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Articles in this issue (scroll down or click to read article below):

  • 85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

  • Trump Threatens War on Iran, Deploys Massive Imperialist War Machine Danger of Catastrophic Attack Looms—Possibly Any Day

    We Say: No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

  • No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!
  • NO U.S.-ISRAELI WAR ON IRAN!

    7 points from the Revcom Corps for the Emancipation of Humanity

  • From the International Emergency Campaign to Free Iran’s Political Prisoners Now

    People’s Memorials Turned into Resistance up Against Regime’s Crackdown and U.S.-Israeli War Threats 
  • American Crime Case #70: "Operation Iraqi Freedom," 2003
  • Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”We Need an Emancipating Revolution!
  • Horrific White Christian Fascism atop the Pentagon

    Something Worse Than "Controversial Christian Nationalism"

  • From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

  • Revolutionary Literature in the 2026 Mexico City International Book Fair—Palacio de Minería
  • In These Historic TimesDonate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

    $20,000 needed by March 1, 2026

  • In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the MovementThe Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today
  • “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 
  • U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)
  • Featured video this week from Bob Avakian:

    What is communist leadership, and why should people follow your leadership?

    Excerpt from The Bob Avakian Interviews, 2025: “Humanity Does Not Have To Live This Way!”

  • ARTICLE:

    85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

    Get This Pamphlet Out Widely

    We urge readers to download and print the pamphlet of this piece by C. Clark Kissinger, think about it and discuss with people you know—and get copies of it out all over, at a time when people are increasingly being compelled by events in the world to search for answers to the crimes and injustices of the system, and to think about what their lives are going to be about. (The PDF is in printer spreads: print front and back to create a pamphlet.)

    Clark Kissinger

     

    C. CLARK KISSINGER has been a prominent organizer, activist, writer, and speaker since the early 1960s. In the early ’60s, Clark was national secretary of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and he organized the first March on Washington to End the War in Vietnam (1965). He is a revolutionary communist and advocate for the new communism developed by the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian.   

    During my now 65 years as a political activist, I have witnessed many things, three of which I want to single out as being of lasting significance. My appreciation of each of them today comes not so much from my “having been there,” but from an understanding of their significance gained over time, with the help and input of many comrades and friends.

    1. THE SIXTIES

    There is a mistaken impression that “the sixties” was an American phenomenon. What we now call “the sixties,” was actually a global upsurge of resistance and revolution extending from the late fifties through the mid-seventies. It embraced both rebellions in the advanced capitalist countries as well as socialist and anti-colonial revolutions in the Third World. 1968 alone was a year of global rebellion much like 1848. It saw the student-worker revolt in France, the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, the explosion of the Cultural Revolution in China, the massacre of student demonstrators in Mexico, the popular resistance to the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, the birth of the Palestinian resistance at the battle of Karameh, the Naxalite rebellion in India, martial law declared in Uruguay in response to the Tupamaros, as well as the urban uprisings in the U.S. following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the growth of the Black Panther Party. (See my chronology of 1968 posted on www.dissident.info.)

    Chicano Moratorium march against war in Vietnam, 1970.

     

    The 1970 Chicano Moratorium was an expression of resistance and defiance against the U.S. war in Vietnam.   

    What is important to take away from the particular experience in the U.S. is what a growing revolutionary situation can look like. It is commonplace for people who were not there, or for people who were there but have been “recouped” by the ruling class, to sneer at how foolish people must have been to think that there could have been a revolution. Really? Let's take a look.

    The first ingredient of a revolutionary situation is a severe crisis in the ruling class that causes it to split and not be able to rule in the old ways. Such a political crisis does not necessarily arise from an economic crisis. In fact, the period of so much intense upsurge in the sixties, during which the ruling class was very much thrown on the defensive politically, coincided with the peak economic power of the U.S. globally.

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III

     

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III, 1971.   

    What did happen was that masses of people threw off their superstitious awe of the state and seized the political initiative away from the ruling class. People labeled the police as pigs. Soldiers in Vietnam refused to obey orders and rolled hand grenades into the tents of officers who were too gung-ho. Students burned down dozens of ROTC buildings. Women flat-out rejected the institutions of patriarchy. There were massive urban revolts in the U.S. and a growing Black liberation movement. The state had lost legitimacy in the eyes of millions.

    One result was a furious debate within the ruling class over how to handle the situation and regain control. Should there be a repressive clamp-down or should people be bought off with temporary concessions? The intensity of the struggle eventually led to a situation where both the president and vice president were forced to resign and the country had a president and a vice president who were appointed, not elected. That's what a crisis in the ruling class can look like. (For light entertainment, I recommend people read former Vice President Spiro Agnew's memoir Go Quietly... or Else.)

    The second requirement of a revolutionary situation is a revolutionary-minded people. They don’t have to be a majority, but they do have to be a significant force. In the ’60s there was a great awakening to the reality that the “American Dream” was actually an American nightmare for so many people here and around the world. While there was no deep understanding of what an actual revolution would require, literally millions of people came to believe that the existing system was hopelessly flawed and what was required was a “revolution.” Far from being a social stigma, there was a great deal of approbation for people who called themselves revolutionaries.

    People also began to act on their new self-identity. It was immoral to remain a passive observer. Demonstrations in Washington became so militant that the Nixon administration took to surrounding the White House with a wall of buses for fear that people would storm the seat of executive power. The call to shut Washington down in May of 1971 resulted in such an outpouring that the Army was called in to defend the capital and over 12,000 people were arrested—the largest mass arrest in U.S. history.

    But while we at least had a start on the first two requirements of a revolutionary situation, what we did not have was the third ingredient: a revolutionary party with the determination, the understanding, the plan, the leadership, the organization among the people, and the program for a post-revolutionary society that could both galvanize and lead a successful seizure of power. Even the most advanced force in that time, the Black Panther Party, never sat down and seriously addressed the question of what it would take to actually overthrow the state and lead a new revolutionary society.

    2. THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

    Few people today are familiar with even the outlines of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), and it is probably the single most lied about event in world history. It was an amazing ten-year mass upsurge in China led by Mao Zedong to break the power of the entrenched revisionist “communists” who wanted to follow the path of the Soviet Union, a path that would—and ultimately did—lead to the restoration of capitalism. 

    It was my privilege to have visited China twice during the latter half of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. As with the sixties, my understanding of what happened in this momentous world event comes more from study after the fact and from the insights of others, than from my own personal observations. That said, it was still amazing to see with my own eyes!

    While books and films on the GPCR correctly focus on the demonstrations, mass meetings and “big character posters” that were at the heart of the struggle for power, one aspect of the GPCR that is little recognized is that it produced the most massive political education program in human history. At each point, the entire country was mobilized to read and discuss the same major theoretical work. When I was there in 1972, people were studying Anti-Dühring by Engels and in 1975 it was Marx's Critique of the Gotha Program. At one point I kind of naively asked if they really had enough copies of Anti-Dühring for everyone to read. I was told in a rather matter-of-fact way that the state publishing house had just run off another 50 million copies. Now that's taking study seriously!

    Handing out leaflets during January Storm, China.

     

    In Shanghai, the revolutionary workers, with Maoist leadership, were able to unite broad sections of the city’s population. This was called the January Storm.   

    Another often forgotten aspect of the GPCR that impressed me so much were the “socialist new things.” I wrote about these at the time. These were experiments from below in forging new social and economic relations at a local level that presaged what a future communist society might look like. There were places where local communities consciously turned what had been commodities into social services. The use of these services was no longer linked to or exchanged for money earned by the recipients of those services. People used what they needed and contributed to the common weal in other ways. 

    In 1972, I visited a small village near the Daqing oil field in Manchuria. In this village, the women all worked—but in different sectors of the socialist economy. Some women worked in the fields as part of the local agricultural commune. They were paid mostly “in kind” from the crops. Some other women worked in a small local co-op factory that manufactured tacks. These women were paid from the money received from selling their tacks to the state. Finally, some women had jobs in the oil field and were paid cash wages directly by the state.

    The interesting fact here is that all the women worked hard, yet they received quite different incomes that were based on the differing economic productivity of their labor. The women who worked in the fields had the lowest income. The women from the tack factory were in the middle. The women who worked in the oil field made the most, because the productivity of the state-owned oil field was the highest.

    China, during Cultural Revolution: People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster."

     

    People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster," a popular means of political expression and protest during the Cultural Revolution in China, contributing to the atmosphere of broad debate over policy and direction of society.   

    The women in the village were all involved in studying Marx and they were wrestling with a theoretical question: They understood why some of them made more money than others. But did it have to stay this way? They didn’t think so. So, they decided to pool their incomes from the three different sources and divide the money more evenly. This was a startling break with the laws of exchange in a market-based economy. It was, in fact, revolutionary! It was a step toward communism, made by people consciously breaking with the concepts of “cash value” and private ownership as natural and inevitable.

    In the end, the socialist transition to communism was defeated in both the Soviet Union and in China; capitalism was restored. “Living labor” was once again subordinated to “dead labor” (capital as accumulated labor). The slogan “Serve the People” was replaced with the slogan “To get rich is glorious.” The great lessons learned under the leadership of Mao were that the revolutionary seizure of power is only the beginning, not the final goal, and that you cannot “produce your way to communism” by increasing the level of material abundance. The period of socialist transition is much more characterized by intense class struggle over changing economic and social relations that requires a leading core that is consciously striving for a classless society. 

    3. THE BIRTH OF THE NEW COMMUNISM OF BOB AVAKIAN

    Bob Avakian

     

    Bob Avakian, 2014   

    The most important and lasting thing to come from the sixties is the new communism of Bob Avakian. Avakian is the architect of a new framework for human emancipation and is, without question, the Karl Marx of our time.

    The defeat of socialism in the Soviet Union and China presented a big issue to “sixties people.” But Avakian refused to accept the triumphalist conclusions of the propagandists for capitalism. He has now spent over 50 years investigating what actually happened and has upheld the tremendous achievements of the Russian and Chinese revolutions. But he then dug into not only what was done right, but why mistakes (some of them quite grave) were made. With what method and approach did the leaders of these revolutionary societies address the freedoms and necessities they confronted? And how might we today do it differently and far better?

    I will try to lay out what I see as some of Avakian’s important conclusions and insights, but no one should take my observations as “authoritative” and they certainly do not replace the need to actually read Avakian’s basic works.

    The New Communism

     

    What Avakian highlights is the failure to be thoroughly scientific; scientific meaning to bring one’s ideas into correlation with reality and not wishful thinking. Too often, 20th century communism (the “old communism”) fell into an almost religious approach, substituting belief for reality. One striking example was the teleological claim that communism is inevitable. Communism is NOT inevitable; it is possible, there is a material basis for it, but it is not inevitable.

    I think what has impressed me the most in Avakian’s work is his new conception of socialism. Too many people today think of a socialist state as one with a “mixed economy” in which capitalism is restrained by the power of representative democracy while the state guarantees a basic standard of living and medical care for all.

    By contrast, Avakian has built on Marx’s concept of socialism as a period of transition in which the class dictatorship of the capitalist class is replaced by the class dictatorship of propertyless working people and their allies. The conscious goals of this transition are an economy governed by social needs rather than by a commodity market, and an end to the necessity for one section of society to hold institutionalized power over the rest.

    Another way of characterizing these goals was stated by Marx:  the abolition of all class distinctions, of all the production relations on which those class distinctions rest, of all the social relations that correspond to those production relations, and the revolutionizing of all the ideas that correspond to those social relations.

    Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America

     

    But a barrier to masses of people taking up this understanding was the too frequent suppression of critical thinking by the old communism. In contrast, Avakian calls for a socialist society with room to disagree and “air” for people to breathe. While maintaining socialist state power against any violent attempts to restore capitalism, the new socialist state is best characterized as having a solid core with a lot of elasticity. Communists should never fear the truth and should encourage dissent, because all truths can be learned from.

    Avakian points out that contradictions can arise between the people and a socialist state. While the socialist state has to protect the people from external enemies and any forceful restoration of capitalism, the socialist state also has to protect the rights of the people from the state itself. Of particular importance is Avakian’s insistence that communists lead the state mainly through ideological and political influence and not through organizational control. Members of the communist party must be subordinate to the law and the constitution of the socialist state, and are afforded no special privileges by virtue of being members of the party. 

    In particular, Avakian calls not only for the right of people to criticize the state and even call for the restoration of capitalism, but further, the state should in part fund such criticism and also fund the legal defense of persons prosecuted by the state to the same extent that the state funds their prosecution. This is a concept of legal rights that no capitalist state has ever dared espouse.

    Avakian has also sharply criticized the ideas that truth has a class basis (rather than truth being objective) and that working and oppressed people have a special purchase on truth simply by virtue of being exploited or oppressed. From this flowed the faulty idea that just putting working people in positions of power, rather than fighting for all of society to have a deeper understanding of the path to classless society, would solve the problems.

     

    Another example of faulty analysis in the old communism is the idea that the basis for communism is material abundance, from which flowed the idea that a socialist state could just “produce its way to communism.” There is a certain required level of abundance to have a communist economy, but the principal necessity is the change in people’s thinking and social relations—not how much material wealth there is to go around.

    The old communism also did not always do well with issues of internationalism. The goal of communist revolution is not the improvement of the lives of the people in a given country, but rather the global emancipation of humanity from the fetters of capital. As Avakian points out, the principal task of a communist country is to serve as a base area for world revolution. Yet too often communist leaders succumbed to nationalism and concentrated on the interests of their own country.

    Plus, there was a serious failure in the moral underpinnings for communism and the road to get there. The new communism of Bob Avakian is firm in holding that the ends do not justify the means. Crimes cannot be committed on the grounds that they will get us closer to communism. Rather, communist means must always flow from and be consistent with the goals of communism.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

    Like Marx, Avakian has been a prolific commentator on current events and has provided invaluable guidance. In particular, he has over the last forty years documented and warned of the rise of Christian nationalism and fascism in this country. (Here, see Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.) People in Germany might have had the excuse that “no one could have seen what was coming.” People in this country cannot claim that excuse.

    At the same time, Avakian has looked much more deeply into the path for revolution in developed capitalist countries, and the deadly pull on even the best-intentioned people toward overestimating the strength of necessity and underestimating the freedom that exists to transform that necessity—ultimately leading them to either denying the possibility of, or just sitting and waiting for, a revolution. Instead, what is required is an active analysis of the fault lines of the existing society and constant straining at the limits of the possible with a concrete goal in mind:  the hastening of a revolutionary situation.

    It is important to understand that the body of work that Avakian has created is not an add-on, a refinement, or a particular application of Marxism. Rather it is a qualitative leap in the science itself, comparable to the leap made by Marx. At the time of Marx, capitalism had consolidated state power in America and the major states of Europe, and was spreading across the globe like a metastatic cancer. Humanity had nothing to confront it with save bourgeois democracy, syndicalism, or utopian concepts of socialism, often based in religion. Marx changed all that with a scientific explanation of the capitalist system and what had to be done to abolish it. 

    Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.

    Like Marx in his time, Avakian is a controversial figure. Marx was considered something of a dogmatist and sectarian by the reformists of his day. To get a feel for this, people should watch Raoul Peck’s film The Young Karl Marx. Yet like other great scientists before and after him, the insights of Marx have proven basically true and have come to both shape our understanding of the real world and alter the course of history.

    Having been witness to this development over many years now, I can say that if you are serious about emancipating humanity then you have to become a student of Bob Avakian. I have to admit that as a student of Avakian, I was often late for class and didn't always make good grades. But I never dropped out of school. Young revolutionaries today have the most advanced revolutionary thought in the world in their hands with their whole lifetimes ahead—and I still have another 15 years. Together, let's run with it!

    There is much, much more, but I would encourage people to dig into Avakian’s many written works such as The New Communism, the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, and Breakthroughs.

    Codicil

    In December 2020 at the height of the COVID crisis in New York City, I was living a few blocks from a major hospital in Brooklyn. Outside the front of that hospital, lines formed daily of people waiting to be seen in the emergency room. Around back, behind the hospital, there was a row of refrigerator trucks for the bodies for which there was no longer room in the hospital’s morgue. 

    While that pandemic crisis has abated for now, the global warming crisis has not. We are now pretty much past the point of no return. For about three billion years, plants, algae and cyanobacteria have been patiently extracting carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, using solar energy to synthesize carbohydrates, and releasing oxygen back into the atmosphere. In the last three hundred years, that whole process has been dramatically reversed, with the burning of fossil fuels releasing carbon dioxide back into the atmosphere in massive quantities, trapping solar radiation in the form of heat. 

    Today, almost everything that moves in commerce (trucks, planes, trains) moves on energy released from the burning of fossil fuels (coal, petroleum and natural gas). Yet at the same time, the amount of energy that falls on the earth from solar radiation is more than enough to meet humanity’s foreseeable needs. So what prevents simply switching to solar energy in place of fossil fuels? The capitalism system.

    Many trillions of dollars of capital are invested in both fossil fuel powered equipment and in the extraction and distribution of fossil fuels. To abandon that, would require the literal destruction of all that capital. The owners of capital have zero incentive to eat that massive loss, and they have the powerful compulsion from competing capital to continue with what they are doing. Only a new communist revolution can change this and put humanity first. This is a basic reality, yet most people find it easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine an end to capitalism.

    Interrelated with the climate crisis is the destruction of the viability of life for millions of people in their home countries. One result has been the mass migration of people from the global South toward white, imperial Europe and America. The year that I was born, 1940, was the “high water mark” for white people in America. Whites made up 90 percent of the population. Today, whites make up 60 percent of the population, and an even smaller percentage of school-age children. 

    That demographic change in the U.S., combined with the decline of U.S. economic power in the face of global competition and the impact of the movements of women and people of color, has provided the basis for a core of reactionary capitalists to organize a fascist movement. A movement appealing to the preservation of the economic well-being and social superiority to which white, male, Christian Americans feel entitled. Hence the emergence of a fascist movement to “Make America Great Again.”

    The horrors that consolidated fascism will wreak on this country and the world are beyond the imagination of most people. Trump must be driven from power NOW, before it is too late.

    BobAvakianOfficial Revolution #141

     

    Read/listen to this September 29, 2025 social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

  • ARTICLE:

    Trump Threatens War on Iran, Deploys Massive Imperialist War Machine 

    Danger of Catastrophic Attack Looms—Possibly Any Day

    We Say: No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

    Aircraft carrier USS Gerald R. Ford

     

    Aircraft carrier USS Gerald R. Ford     Photo: U.S. Navy

    We can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. And it is a scientific fact that humanity does not have to live this way.

    —Bob Avakian, architect of the new communism and revolutionary leader 

    The danger of a truly catastrophic U.S. war of imperialist aggression against Iran looms larger by the day. Indeed, as we are going to press there are reports of greatly accelerated preparations. Stay tuned to this site for updates.

    Last week (February 19), Trump again threatened to attack Iran, warning it had better bow down to U.S. demands or "really bad things" will happen to it. He raised the idea of a limited strike, which reportedly includes the targeted assassinations of Iranian leaders aimed at regime change.1 

    The fascist Trump claims he hasn’t decided whether or not to attack Iran. Trump says he wants to give the negotiations between the U.S. and Iran’s Islamic Republic (IRI) a chance to succeed. Yet his regime has floated many demands which amount to surrender—demands which Iran has already rejected—and there are reports that the talks have stalled.2

    Map of the Middle East

     

    The Middle East (click to enlarge)   

    Meanwhile, the Trump fascist regime has surged the largest U.S. military force to the Middle East since George W. Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq. This force includes “dozens of refueling tankers… more than 50 additional fighter jets, and two aircraft carrier strike groups, complete with their accompanying destroyers, cruisers and submarines,” according to the New York Times. Many of these planes and ships can fire nuclear weapons.3

    The New York Times also reports that the U.S. military buildup around Iran had reached the point where Trump could launch an attack at any time. According to Axios, “The Trump administration is closer to a major war in the Middle East than most Americans realize. It could begin very soon.”

    This is not to say that such an attack is inevitable and a done deal—there are other forces in the region opposed to it and other forces or factors that could enter into this. But the momentum toward attack right now is very powerful.

    In the face of Trump’s ominous threats and massive military buildup against Iran, Chuck Schumer and Hakeem Jeffries, the top Democrats in Congress, issued mild complaints about Trump not consulting them—but have taken no real action to stop him, and certainly have not called people into the streets to protest! This is because the Democrats and the Republi-fascists—even with their extremely sharp differences—are both instruments of the system of capitalism-imperialism, and from that standpoint, the Democrats basically agree on the need to severely constrain or even overthrow the Iranian regime in order to protect and extend U.S. interests.

    An Imperialist Slaughterfest to Serve Further U.S. Domination…

    The Middle East—in which Iran is located—is a strategic crossroads of the world and repository of much of the world’s oil. Over just the past 35 years, literally millions of its residents, and thousands of U.S. and European soldiers, have died from four “official” American-initiated wars and countless “covert actions,” drone strikes and other aggression. 

    Trump’s war will not only constitute a massive war crime and crime against humanity, but in today’s world of heightened superpower rivalry, it could very possibly lead to much larger, global disaster.  

    And contrary to Trump’s hypocritical bullshit claims at one point to support the protesters demanding justice from the repressive theocratic regime in Iran, such U.S. aggression would actually put those millions of Iranians in even greater danger. As Osyan, a group of Iranian and Afghan women, said recently: 

    While foreign powers (the USA and Israel) took advantage of the protests to advance their own interests and agendas, the Islamic Republic also exploited allegations of foreign interference to fully carry out its plan to massacre dissidents using military weapons, under the pretext of the “continuation of a 12-day war with Israel.” Not only was the violence not reduced—it intensified drastically.

    … And a “Limited War” That Could Easily Spiral Out of Control

    But that’s not the half of it. Any U.S. attack on Iran—whether massive or “limited”—could spiral out of control in unpredictable ways that could make the situation—and the suffering of the people—much more disastrous. 

    The U.S. has assembled an “armada” capable of massive destruction and extended combat, potentially even threatening the existence of Iran’s ruling Islamic Republic. 

    The Trump regime may calculate that Iran’s rulers are at their weakest point. They may be going by the relatively weak response to the Israeli-American “war” on Iran last June to wipe out its nuclear program. But in previous confrontations, including that one, Iran has largely responded symbolically, often even alerting the U.S. ahead of time. In fact, the regime is far from powerless and is threatening to carry out an all-out counter-attack against U.S. forces and interests in the region if its existence is threatened.4 Most observers believe that a collapse of the regime is highly unlikely. 

    The Fascist Character of the Trump Regime Makes This Even More Dangerous

    The fascist character of the Trump regime lends a desperate edge to this already fraught situation. Think about it—how would Trump respond—or feel compelled to respond—to the sinking of a U.S. Navy vessel or a mass casualty attack on U.S. troops? This would certainly heighten the danger of massive escalation, of the war spreading across the region, of other nuclear-armed world powers getting involved, and of widespread heightened repression against political opposition in the U.S. Once war begins, all bets are off, but Trump would be viewing this, in part at least, through the calculus of maintaining the momentum of fascist dominance and consolidation. Maintaining momentum, as Nazi-saluting Trump adviser Steve Bannon constantly warns, is particularly crucial for a fascist regime.

    Why Is the U.S. So Deeply Involved in the Middle East and Iran? 

     

    Bringing Forward Another Way is a talk given by Bob Avakian to a group of Party supporters in 2006 and published in early 2007. This groundbreaking analysis, made during the George W. Bush years, continues to be very relevant, especially in the context of sharpening contradictions centered in the Middle East and aggressive U.S.-led moves against Iran. This work is an illustration of applying the scientific method to approaching international conflicts and understanding social and political contradictions—and identifying where the fundamental interests of humanity lie, providing concrete leadership and guidance for the strategic repolarization for revolution and a thoroughly internationalist orientation. Given the current situation in the world, we urge our readers to restudy this important work or to get into it for the first time.   

    Capitalist-imperialist powers like the U.S. are driven by the workings of this global system to seek to dominate and control key regions, resources, markets, trade routes and more, while preventing their rivals from doing so—by force if need be.  

    The Middle East is one very key region. As we spoke to above, it holds over half of the world's proven crude oil reserves. Crucial global trade routes run through it. And geographically, it links Asia, Africa and Europe, making it a key military-strategic crossroads. 

    Since World War 2, the U.S. has dominated this region. But the 1979 overthrow of the Shah (king) of Iran, who was subservient to the U.S., and his replacement by the Islamic Republic created increasing problems for the U.S. In recent decades, those have included the Islamic Republic’s growing influence and network of allies in the region; its pursuit of nuclear enrichment (Iran does not have any nuclear weapons); and its opposition to Israel. The Communist Party of Iran (MLM) has further observed that: "Since the U.S.-Israeli military aggression in June 2025, the IRI has increasingly tied its fate to the intense rivalry between the Chinese and Russian imperialists and U.S. imperialism. In exchange for this loyalty, China and Russia helped rebuild the IRI's military and security apparatus." [emphasis added]

    The Trump regime calls Iran “the region’s chief destabilizing force.” In the aftermath of Israel's genocidal slaughter of the Palestinian people in Gaza, the Trump fascists and Israel are in the process of radically restructuring the Middle East region to even more thoroughly impose U.S. dominance. Overthrowing the Islamic Republic or bringing it to heel are key to that remaking.5  (The Trump regime is reportedly also attempting to exploit or control Iran’s oil wealth.6

    But Where Do the Interests of the Masses of Humanity Lie?

    Iranians at an anti-government protest in Tehran, Iran, January 9, 2026.

     

    Anti-government protest in Tehran, Iran, January 9, 2026.    Photo: AP/UGC

    So those are the interests of this system, no matter which set of rulers—fascist or “democratic”—are in control. But where do the interests of humanity lie? 

    In doing away with and getting beyond the domination of this planet by capitalism-imperialism and its homicidal and suicidal logic. In doing away with and getting beyond an insane “logic” that produces needless, yet unending suffering and death. In doing away with and getting beyond a system that causes unending war and brutality—unending genocides—the trampling and suppression of whole peoples—the degradation and enslavement of the female half of humanity—mass starvation and disease—and looming over it all ecocide, the destruction of the very environment that makes all life possible. And now, in doing away with and getting beyond a system that has brought to power a full-out fascist regime, one that is even more violently usurping rights and viciously suppressing and torturing whole peoples—and, as part of that, nonviolently driving out the regime itself.

    But we are not doomed to be locked into this system. A better world IS possible. The revolutionary leader Bob Avakian has developed a strategy for revolution and has written the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which provides the sweeping vision, the firm foundation and the concrete blueprint for a new society on its way to eliminating all forms of oppression and exploitation. Listen to this, from the pamphlet We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System:

    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY—the billions in all parts of the world who are denied a decent life and a future worth living in, or any future at all: threatened with literal extinction because of the destruction of the environment by this system and the danger of nuclear war between the U.S. and its rivals in Russia and China—all of them ruthless imperialist powers.

    We can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanityAnd it is a scientific fact that humanity does not have to live this way.

    A whole different way of living is possible: a whole different way to organize society, with a radically different economic foundation and political system, emancipating relations among people and an uplifting culture—all of this oriented to meeting the basic needs and fulfilling the highest interests of the masses of people.

    And, from later in this same piece:

    The new socialist government will not develop or use nuclear weapons and will take concrete steps and wage determined struggle to abolish nuclear weapons everywhere, with the ultimate goal of finally abolishing wars among human beings, with the abolition of the capitalist-imperialist system, and all systems and relations of exploitation and oppression, which are the basis for wars. This new socialist government will move, quickly, systematically and effectively, to address the already acute and fast accelerating environmental crisis, with the aim of bringing into being a world where humanity can truly be fit caretakers of the earth.

    All this is not just a dream, or a wish—it is what is possible and necessary in the interests of the masses of people in this country and the great majority of humanity, and for the future of humanity as a whole.

    Become part of this struggle. Go here to follow Bob Avakian, the most important revolutionary thinker and leader on the planet. Go here to find out more about the revcoms. And go here to subscribe to revcom.us and have it in your inbox every week.

    Ego? Or Imperialism? Why Trump Is Threatening War Against Iran (and Why Liberals Like Michelle Goldberg Can’t See It)

    Michelle Goldberg, a liberal New York Times columnist (and others) argue that Trump’s threats against Iran are ego-driven: 

    I assume Trump is driven by the same self-aggrandizing [self-promotion] impulse that made him slap his name on the Kennedy Center. He wants to put his stamp on the world, to be the president who rid the globe of three regimes that bedeviled his predecessors: Venezuela, Iran and Cuba….

    Yes, Trump is a deranged egomaniac. But his regime’s threats against Iran are fundamentally being driven by the dynamics of the capitalist-imperialist system it serves and the contradictions that have “bedeviled” that system for decades. Now, the Trump fascist regime, unconstrained by international law, sovereignty, or even the slightest concern for humanity, feels the urgent necessity and the real possibility of violently resolving them. 

    The point is that Trump—like every president since at least the seemingly “humble” Jimmy Carter—has been driven to more deeply dominate the region and to restore U.S. control over Iran as part of that. Whatever the size of their respective “egos,” they have all been driven by the interests of U.S. imperialism. Trump may have the hubris of a Hitler, but he is also an imperialist who both feels driven and thinks he smells an opportunity.

    Drop the psychobabble and face the reality. This fascism serves, and is a product of, a capitalist-imperialist system in extreme crisis. 

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. “Two U.S. officials told Reuters that the military prepared options for targeting individual Iranian leaders as part of a limited attack and even pursuing regime change in Tehran.” [back]

    2. Reuters and Haaretz report that “Two rounds of Iran-U.S. talks have stalled on core issues, from uranium enrichment to missiles and sanctions relief,” and that “Iran and the United States are sliding rapidly towards military conflict as hopes fade for a diplomatic solution to the current standoff…” [back]

    3. Long-range U.S.-based bombers can also attack Iran, and the U.S. has between 30,000 and 40,000 troops already stationed in the region. [back]

    4. What if the Iranian Regime Is Stronger Than Trump Thinks? New York Times, February 21, 2026; What could happen if the US strikes Iran? Here are seven scenarios BBC, February 19, 2026. [back]

    5. Backed by the U.S., Israel Bombs and Kills at Will Across the Region: The Bankrupt Horror of This “New Middle East, revcom.us, July 21, 2025. [back]

    6. Iran is the most populous and one of the largest countries in the Middle East. It holds 12 percent of the world’s proven oil reserves—the third largest of any country—and approximately 17-18 percent of the world's total natural gas reserves—the second largest in the world. And for over 1,100 miles, Iran borders the Persian Gulf through which 20 percent of the world’s oil flows. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    The aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln in the Strait of Hormus, November 11, 2019

     

    Aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln is currently in the Arabian Sea poised to attack Iran.    Photo: U.S. Navy, November 19, 2019

    As a crucial part of fighting for a whole different and far better world, people must prepare now to act against the outrage of Trump’s fascist, imperialist threats against Iran and against any war that the U.S. and/or Israel launch. 

    People must also reject, and refuse to confine themselves to, the “leadership” and boundaries of the imperialist Democratic Party and its playbook of raising petty objections to how Trump is proceeding and offering a few lame resolutions, while doing nothing to build serious, mass resistance and struggle against the towering crimes now looming over the Iranian people, the Middle East, potentially even the world.

    Support the Just Struggle of the Iranian People! 

    In the spirit of internationalism, people must also learn about and carry out support for those forces and voices within Iran who both oppose the regime and also oppose U.S. aggression. These include the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (CPI-MLM), and Osyan.

    As the CPI-MLM wrote in a January 2026 editorial in its journal, Atash/Fire:

    The revolutionary overthrow of the IRI [Islamic Republic of Iran] is urgently needed: But we will not allow Trump, the fascist president of the United States, to determine our fate and to exploit our struggles against the IRI for his unbridled imperialism, leaving our society trapped in the web of imperialist relations that is at the root of our current misery.

  • ARTICLE:

    NO U.S.-ISRAELI WAR ON IRAN!

    7 points from the Revcom Corps for the Emancipation of Humanity

    1) Any U.S.-Israeli attack on Iran is illegal and illegitimate—an unprovoked war of aggression against a sovereign country—and must be opposed by every decent person. The U.S. says it wants to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons. But the U.S. and Israel together have thousands of nukes, and the U.S. is the only country ever to use them, murdering hundreds of thousands of civilians in Japan. Israel says it wants Iran to get rid of its missiles. But Israel has used missiles and bombs to slaughter people throughout the Middle East. What right do the U.S. and Israel have to decide who can have nukes and missiles and who can’t? None whatsoever. Those of us living in the U.S., the belly of the beast, have a special responsibility to stop the crimes of “our” government, and demand: NO WAR ON IRAN!

    2) The Islamic Republic of Iran is a brutal fascist theocracy, a highly unequal capitalist society, backed by imperialist powers (yes, Russia and China are imperialists). A regime that enslaves women, oppresses minorities, tortures dissidents, and murders leftists. A regime with the highest execution rate in the world, that just gunned down thousands of protesters in the streets. And no, the fact that Iran opposes the U.S. and supports certain Palestinian groups does not make it a force for liberation. Every decent person throughout the world should support the just struggle of the Iranian people against this oppressive regime!

    3) The people of Iran desperately need liberation, but fascist genocidal imperialists can never be “liberators.” Look at what the U.S. did to Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya, destroying those countries. Look at what Israel did to Gaza. Haven't we learned by now that they are not bringing "democracy" to anyone?! The U.S. and Israel don’t give a damn about the people of Iran. What the U.S. cares about is maintaining its dominant position in the global capitalist-imperialist system, and beating out its Russian and Chinese rivals by controlling the strategic region of the Middle East, and using Israel as its rabid dog enforcer. And now the U.S. and Israel are both run by fascist regimes, no better than the Islamic Republic of Iran, just more powerful. They are aiming to replace the Iranian regime with a puppet monarch named Reza Pahlavi—son of the U.S.-backed Shah of Iran who was overthrown in 1979 after inflicting decades of oppression and torture—a regime that would just be another nightmare for the Iranian people. Plus, every move that the U.S. and Israel make toward “regime change” in Iran actually helps the Islamic Republic to "justify" their murder of protesters by labeling them "foreign agents.” The people of Iran must decide their own fate!

    4) From Iran, to Palestine, to the USA: THIS WHOLE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN AND ILLEGITIMATE. WE NEED AND WE DEMAND A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM! Since World War 2 the U.S. has slaughtered 10 million people in its imperialist wars. Beginning in 1948, the U.S. has backed Israel’s ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. In 1953, it orchestrated a coup in Iran to overthrow a popular elected leader. In the past 35 years, the U.S. has killed millions throughout the Middle East in at least four “official” wars, as well as countless “covert actions” and drone strikes. Now this capitalist-imperialist system, driven by the competitive chase for profit and the need to “expand or die,” is accelerating its destruction, unleashing fascism on the world and pushing humanity to the brink of extinction, from climate change as well as the growing danger of nuclear war between the U.S. and its rivals in Russia and China. Trump’s unconstrained aggression against the world is not fundamentally because of his “ego,” but is a product of this system. And the fact that the Democrats have perpetrated decades of war crimes, and now only issue mild complaints about Trump’s global bullying, is because they represent the same system.

    5) We don’t have to live this way! In the world today we have the wealth and technology to meet the material and cultural needs of everyone on the planet. But under the current system, that wealth and technology is owned by a tiny class of capitalist exploiters and enforced by police and militaries. With a real revolution that breaks the stranglehold of these oppressors over society, we could begin to use these resources for the benefit of humanity, to overcome global inequalities and address the environmental crisis. As one expression of this, the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, written by Bob Avakian, clearly states that the new socialist government will dismantle the vast network of U.S. imperialist military bases throughout the world and renounce all wars of aggression and occupation.

    6) As revolutionaries living in the U.S. we have a responsibility to make revolution here, and to support revolutionaries fighting for the same goal throughout the world. As our comrades in the Communist Party of Iran (MLM) have said:

    The revolutionary overthrow of the IRI [Islamic Republic of Iran] is urgently needed: But we will not allow Trump, the fascist president of the United States, to determine our fate and to exploit our struggles against the IRI for his unbridled imperialism, leaving our society trapped in the web of imperialist relations that is at the root of our current misery.

    7) This is a rare time when revolution is more possible. As the fascist Trump regime rips up the old norms that people have been conditioned to accept, and wreaks havoc on a global scale, this is beginning to cause all kinds of chaos and force people to question the way things have been, and whether they have to stay that way. In this situation, the forces for the revolution could grow, quickly, from small numbers to thousands, and then millions, and get in position to go for the whole thing. Now’s the time to learn about and join the Revcom Corps for the Emancipation of Humanity.

    “We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.”
    —@BobAvakianOfficial

  • ARTICLE:

    From the International Emergency Campaign to Free Iran’s Political Prisoners Now

    People’s Memorials Turned into Resistance up Against Regime’s Crackdown and U.S.-Israeli War Threats 

    Revcom.us editors’ note: We received the following from the International Emergency Campaign to Free Iran’s Political Prisoners Now (IEC). Translations from Farsi are improved mechanical translations.

    Crowd in Iran chant: "Political prisoners must be freed!, February 18, 2026.

     

    The Farsi caption of the crowd’s chant, “Political prisoners must be freed!, Abdanan, February 18.”     Photo: Screenshot of video posted by @mahshiid_nazemii on IG

    On January 8-10, the massive street protests in Iran were met by unprecedented, premeditated state violence. Many thousands of protesters were massacred by the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI).7 Forty days later, February 17-19, despite the regime’s threats against public mourning, there were large, loud gatherings all across Iran to mourn and celebrate the lives of those murdered by the IRI during the uprising. Commemorations at the end of the 40-day mourning period are a key cultural tradition among the people of Iran, that at times have turned into mass social gatherings and occasions for protest, as happened over the IRI’s morality police murder of Mahsa Gina Amini that sparked the Woman, Life, Freedom uprising in 2022-2023. 

    This video titled “Mourning Party” reposted by Burn The Cage, celebrates the vibrant energy of the mostly youth killed in the January 8-10 violent crackdown. It shows how the deceased are honored with pride and rage alongside grief. Video: Siamash Saba

    For this reason, Iran’s theocratic regime sought to prevent families from holding public 40th day commemorations, and paraded armed soldiers and armored vehicles in the streets in some towns. In the Kurdish town of Abdanan, in northwest Iran, security forces fired from an armored vehicle at people and arrested activists holding a memorial for 16-year-old Alireza Saydi, where large crowds chanted “Down with [Ayatollah] Khamenei” and significantly, “Political Prisoners Must Be Freed.” The IRI has detained tens of thousands of January ’26 protesters on top of the thousands of political prisoners already in its dungeons. 

    University students at more than two dozen colleges called for a nationwide strike closing schools and workplaces on February 17 and 18, calling for schools to hold memorials. Their statement concludes: “Our heads have not and will not bow to any dictatorship. The Islamic Republic must be destroyed.”

    The Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations called for school strikes on those days, honoring the 230 documented cases of children under 18 who were murdered in the protests, as well as several teachers killed, and many more arrested. It was reported to Al Jazeera that the school strike was backed by large numbers of teachers and students, and schools in a number of towns near the capital, Tehran, were effectively shut down. A spokesman of the regime’s education commission noted that 17 percent of the participants in the January nationwide uprising were teenagers, saying that in some provinces, up to 45 percent of protesters were under 20 years old. 

    Performance in Evin Prison: “Government Treats Them like Garbage”

    Depiction of body bags at Evin Prison, Iran.

     

    Recently released Evin Ward 7 prisoner Nasser Amirlo created this depiction of an action where the placard carried in a prisoners’ protest performance reads, “Sepehr, where are you, my boy?”, echoing the cry of a father who walked through rows of body bags in search of his 19-year-old son in a widely-shared video. Numbers were placed on the bags, reflecting numbers recorded on actual body bags at morgues.     Graphic: posted by Nasrin Sotoudeh

    According to a report by the prisoner Reza Khandan published by his wife, Nasrin Sotoudeh, political prisoners in Ward 7 of hellish Evin Prison in Tehran performed a dramatic enactment on February 6, “in protest of the widespread and brutal killing of protesters and people on the streets. A large number of political prisoners participated in the performance in the presence of nearly 90 prisoners, both political and non-political.”

    First, a number of garbage bags in the shape of a corpse filled with garbage were spread throughout the corridor by political prisoners. Following this, 9 political prisoners voluntarily placed themselves inside the bags that had been prepared in advance… Morteza Parvin [imprisoned artist] said that the Iranian government ignored the human dignity of the protesters and in fact treated them like garbage... [Another political prisoner] expressed his hope that the perpetrators of this great and unprecedented crime in history would be tried and punished as soon as possible and in the absence of the Islamic Republic in a competent court. Some said with anger, some with tears in their eyes, that this was very moving and deeply affecting them. One political prisoner said that “I could barely breathe from the anger and inside the bags I could see a loved one who had already been killed.” Another prisoner said that “I could visualize each and every one of my loved ones inside them. Maybe one day it will be our turn.” As night fell and the program ended, despite the grief and anger that the prisoners felt, they remained hopeful for a bright future in which their dignity would not be violated nor would their honor be ignored.

    Weekly Hunger Strike Prisoners 

    On February 17, the "No to Execution Tuesdays" campaign now in the 108th week of the ongoing prisoners’ hunger strike against executions in 56 different prisons, announced they were acting in solidarity with “the families and brave people who, at the 40th ceremony of their loved ones… instead of mourning, have determined to continue the path to victory.”

    Tens of thousands of detainees from the recent protests are now under pressure and torture, and plans are being made to issue death sentences and heavy prison sentences for them…. [From January 20 to February 17], more than 300 prisoners… have been hanged.

    Stop to think about the erasure of actual lives in the statistic of 300 executed in a single month—the equivalent of about 10 people per day.

    State Terror in Schools, Towns and “Black Box Detention Sites”

    The Center for Human Rights in Iran published an Op-Ed in Foreign Policy (a U.S. imperialist think tank magazine] which described:

    Across Iran, especially in smaller cities and towns where information cannot easily reach the outside world, entire communities are being terrorized long after the demonstrations have been crushed… Those taken were not only protesters. They included teenagers accused of chanting slogans, bystanders wounded during demonstrations, doctors and nurses who had treated the injured, lawyers who had attempted to provide legal assistance, and citizens who had posted supportive statements on social media… Many have been transferred to unofficial holding sites: warehouses, container units, abandoned buildings, and other facilities operating entirely outside Iran’s legal detention framework… there is no paper trail, no judicial oversight, and no way for families to confirm whether their loved ones are even alive. The risk of torture, coerced confessions, sexual abuse, and death in custody in such facilities is extreme.

    On February 8, Nobel Peace laureate Narges Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that after 59 days of her detention, he received a short call from her, saying that she had been sentenced to an additional 7.5 years in prison, as well as two years of internal exile (moved to a remote prison). According to the Narges Foundation, “With these new charges, Narges Mohammadi has now been sentenced to a total of over 44 years in prison throughout her life. She currently faces more than 17 years of active imprisonment, in addition to the 154 lashes carried over from her previous sentences.” 

    U.S. Gangster-like Threats Against Iran: “Bad Things Happen”

    Map of US military forces around Iran

     

    Map of U.S. military forces around Iran, even before the arrival of the aircraft carrier USS Gerald Ford. Click to enlarge.    Graphic: Screenshot, New York Times

    All this is taking place in the midst of a U.S. military buildup around Iran while the U.S. and Iran are negotiating. In his February 19 speech to his so-called “Board of Peace,” Trump threw in this threat against Iran: “We have to make a meaningful deal, otherwise bad things happen,” and military action could come “over the next, probably 10 days.” 

    On February 14, at the annual NATO Munich Security Conference, there were open calls for U.S. military intervention, including from U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham and “crown prince” Reza Pahlavi8 insisting that only “rapid intervention” by the U.S., not negotiations, could succeed. (Pahlavi offers himself as a pro-U.S.-Israeli substitute ruler with close ties to top Iranian military officials.) This took place in the larger context of mobilizations around the world by tens of thousands of Iranians in the Diaspora, to denounce the massacre of protesters in Iran. While these marches were not all homogeneous, varying significantly from region to region, the Western mainstream media gave a boost to the visibility of Pahlavi supporters, who often threaten and physically attack others if they don’t support restoring Pahlavi rule in Iran. 

    Inside Iran, some university student organizations made public statements refuting Pahlavi’s claim that his supporters led the campus opposition to the IRI. Others have taken to social media to expose that, for example, some of the videos posted by Pahlavi monarchist forces had been doctored or manipulated to alter the protesters’ chants to instead say “Javid Shah” (or “Long live the King”). In this context, the urgent and clarifying politics as expressed on the banner of the January 28 “Day of Grassroots Solidarity” vigil in San Francisco by IEC and UUSF Human Rights Working Group reflect the demands which are more urgent than ever for people, especially in the imperialist U.S., to raise at this crucial moment: 

    Graphic: No War Moves on Iran

     

    Graphic: IEC   

    In the context of rapidly escalating U.S.-Israeli threats of military aggression and war against Iran, and counter-threats by the IRI that portend further repression in Iran, the IEC developed some radically simple solidarity activities posted at our website: https://www.freeiranspoliticalprisonersnow.org/support

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. On February 17, the Human Rights Activists News Agency verified 7,015 deaths during the uprising, with more than 11,000 cases still to be researched. Because many deaths were likely hidden by government or even by families to protect the injured, the true toll will likely never be known.  [back]

    2. Reza Pahlavi is son of the former Shah of Iran, a brutal dictator imposed through a U.S.-UK coup in 1953, who was overthrown in a revolution in 1979 which was hijacked by the Islamic Republic of Iran. See “American Crime Case #98: 1953 CIA Coup in Iran: Torture and Repression — Made in the U.S.A.” and the documentary Coup 53. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    American Crime Case #70: "Operation Iraqi Freedom," 2003

    Updated

    The U.S. is amassing a huge armada of aircraft carriers and destroyers, bombers and fighter jets, missiles and rockets, off the coast of Iran. It is being described as “the largest surge in U.S. airpower in the Middle East since the 2003 Iraq war,” and Trump is threatening to unleash these weapons of mass destruction in “10 to 15 days at most” if Iran does not agree to his demands. 

    In this grave situation we are re-posting American Crimes Case #70: “‘Operation Iraqi Freedom,’ 2003,” which gives the true history of that U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq. This article exposes the systematic campaign of lying by the U.S. government, military and news media that was used to justify the war, and how the Democratic Party largely “closed ranks” behind the Republican regime and supported the war. It gives a real-world look behind the claims of “surgical strikes” hitting only military targets, to reveal the incredible horror and destruction rained down on the civilian population. And importantly, it shows that once the dogs of war are set loose, even the rulers of an imperialist “great power” like the U.S. cannot predict how things will play out and what other forces can unexpectedly come to the forefront.

    Read it, and act to do all you can to prevent another such nightmare from devouring the lives of hundreds of thousands, and get with the Revcom Corps for the Emancipation of Humanity to find out how to bring about—and work toward—a world where this monstrous slaughter becomes a thing of the past.

    Bob Avakian has written that one of three things that has “to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better: People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.” 

    3 Things that have to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better:

    1) People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.

    2) People have to dig seriously and scientifically into how this system of capitalism-imperialism actually works, and what this actually causes in the world.

    3) People have to look deeply into the solution to all this.

    Bob Avakian
    May 1st, 2016

    In that light, and in that spirit, “American Crime” is a regular feature of revcom.us. Each installment focuses on one of the 100 worst crimes committed by the U.S. rulers—out of countless bloody crimes they have carried out against people around the world, from the founding of the U.S. to the present day.

    See all the articles in this series.

    American-Crime-Bomb-Baghdad-2003-AP_030320011700-x600px.jpg
    American-Crime-Bomb-Baghdad-2003-AP_030320011700-x600px.jpg

     

    March 20, 2003, U.S. bombing of Baghdad, Iraq. Photo: AP

    THE CRIME:

    At 10:15 pm on March 19, 2003, George W. Bush announced to the world: "At this hour, American and coalition forces are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger."

    As Bush spoke, U.S. bombs and missiles were raining on Iraq. Some 160,000 troops—overwhelmingly American—were poised to storm the country by land. Twenty-one days later, after a blitzkrieg-like invasion and some 27,000 bombs, the U.S. had seized control of Iraq's major cities. Baghdad, Iraq's capital, had fallen on April 9. Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist regime had been deposed and the U.S. took control of the country. On May 1, standing on the deck of the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln in front of a giant "Mission Accomplished" banner, Bush declared "major combat operations" were over.

    The U.S. government, military, and media portrayed this operation, with its "precision" bombs and missiles, as clean and surgical. The U.S. refused to count or release figures for civilian casualties. Images were widely broadcast picturing Iraqis welcoming the coalition forces as "liberators."

    American-Crime-Child-dead-USairstrike-2006-Baghdad-AP_060602143483-x400px.jpg
    American-Crime-Child-dead-USairstrike-2006-Baghdad-AP_060602143483-x400px.jpg

     

    Children killed by U.S. airstrikes, near Baghdad, 2006. Photo: AP

    But in reality, thousands of Iraqi civilians were killed and wounded. During the most intense fighting in and around Baghdad, some of its hospitals were flooded with more than a hundred patients an hour. There were many instances of U.S. troops firing on people in cars and trucks. It turned out that U.S. military planners designated certain areas as "kill boxes"—grid-like zones where U.S. pilots were ordered to bomb and fire on anything that moved. In all, Iraq Body Count estimates that some 7,415 Iraqi civilians were killed during the invasion phase of the war in March and April.

    But this was only a tiny glimpse of the staggering horrors that would be unleashed by the U.S. invasion, its nine-year occupation, and its aftermath. The U.S. shattered Hussein's Ba'athist state, and then installed a reactionary, Shi'ite-dominated regime. This unleashed all kinds of reactionary forces battling for a share of power. This included an armed Sunni-based insurgency, Sunni fundamentalist jihadists (which later formed ISIS, or the Islamic State), and Shi'ite militias with backing from Iran. The U.S. has attempted to play these different forces off against each other, and other regional powers have also entered the battle over Iraq's future.

    The net result: the Iraqi people have suffered in unbelievable ways—thanks to the U.S. invasion and occupation, and all the reactionary forces and warfare it unleashed.

    The toll has been staggering in its dimensions, its magnitude, and its duration. Iraq Body Count has documented between 168,239 and 187,378 civilian deaths from violence, and total violent deaths including combatants at 251,000 from 2003 through September 2016. Other studies of the direct and indirect toll of the war (due, for example, to the destruction and disruption to water and power systems, health care and food production): 655,000 according to a 2006 Lancet study; 1 million according to a 2008 Opinion Research Business study; and other current estimates reaching 1.2 to 1.4 million. More than 4.2 million Iraqis have been injured and at least 4.5 million have been driven from their homes. Women have suffered terribly, directly from the war and from the new, U.S.-backed government's imposition of reactionary Sharia law with separate, unequal laws for women.

    And this reactionary violence by different Iraqi forces, as well as by the U.S., continues to this day. In October 2016 alone, at least 5,561 people were killed and 2,463 were wounded across Iraq—a heart-rending count that barely merits coverage in the U.S. press.

    BAsics cover 600
    BAsics cover 600

    BAsics from the talks and writings of Bob Avakian   

    What we see in contention here with Jihad [Islamic fundamentalism] on the one hand and McWorld/McCrusade [increasingly globalized western imperialism] on the other hand, are historically outmoded strata among colonized and oppressed humanity up against historically outmoded ruling strata of the imperialist system. These two reactionary poles reinforce each other, even while opposing each other. If you side with either of these "outmodeds," you end up strengthening both.

    While this is a very important formulation and is crucial to understanding much of the dynamics driving things in the world in this period, at the same time we do have to be clear about which of these "historically outmodeds" has done the greater damage and poses the greater threat to humanity: It is the historically outmoded ruling strata of the imperialist system, and in particular the U.S. imperialists.

    —Bob Avakian, BAsics 1:28

    THE CRIMINALS:

    Bush administration: President George W. Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Assistant Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, and all arms of the U.S. government.

    The Bush administration began debating war on Iraq within hours of the attacks of September 11, 2001. By late October or early November 2001, top Bush officials had secretly decided to wage war on Iraq. Reportedly, by April 2002 they had likely decided on a massive assault to remove Hussein.

    In October 2001, the Pentagon set up a new intelligence/operations arm—the Office of Special Plans—to slant, spin, and concoct "intelligence" to justify war. Vice President Cheney pushed the CIA to produce reports that Iraq had chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and ties to Al Qaeda.

    What followed was a 17-month deluge of lies and propaganda claiming Saddam Hussein was linked to Al Qaeda and 9/11 and that his possession of dangerous chemical, biological, and possibly nuclear weapons posed a "grave and growing danger" to the Middle East and to the United States itself. The administration also smeared and attacked those, like former Ambassador Joseph Wilson, who attempted to expose their lies.

    Democratic Party: The ruling class, including Republicans, former government officials, and establishment "experts," all supported the Iraq war and repeated Bush administration claims. So did the leadership and overwhelming majority of Democrats in Congress, including Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden. (During the 1990s, the Democrats and the Bill Clinton administration had bombed, sanctioned, and supported overthrowing Hussein, helping pave the way for the 2003 invasion.)

    U.S. Media: The U.S. media repeated and promoted the Bush regime's lies and cheer-led the war. It never seriously questioned the war's legality or legitimacy. During the war all major media outlets agreed to "embed" with U.S. military units on Pentagon terms, and refused to seriously question U.S. motives for the war, or the military's war crimes. They widely promoted U.S.-orchestrated photo ops like the tearing down of Saddam Hussein's statue to give the impression that all Iraqis welcomed the invasion. The New York Times played a particularly criminal role, prominently featuring articles by their correspondent Judith Miller, who was closely tied to the Bush regime, and repeated its fabrications about Iraqi WMD. When the Bush administration's WMD claims were exposed as completely baseless, the government and the media spun and covered it up as an "intelligence failure."

    THE ALIBI:

    The U.S. claimed that Hussein's government had ties to Al Qaeda and was involved in the attacks on 9/11. It also argued that Saddam Hussein must immediately be disarmed because his regime possessed chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons that posed a grave and immediate danger, including a nuclear attack on the U.S. Secretary of State Rice warned there would always be some uncertainty about the progress of Hussein's nuclear program, but "we don't want the smoking gun [of evidence] to be a mushroom cloud."

    In Bush's January 2003 State of the Union speech, and then in Colin Powell's February 5 performance at the United Nations, the administration presented what they claimed was specific evidence of Iraq's massive WMD programs. Bush warned that Saddam Hussein had or could have "biological weapons materials which could be sufficient to produce over 25,000 liters of anthrax; enough doses to kill several million people." He repeated similar terrifying claims concerning botulinum toxin—"enough to subject millions of people to death by respiratory failure"—as well as sarin, mustard gas, and VX nerve agent. He claimed that during the 1990s, the Hussein regime had "an advanced nuclear weapons development program," and that now "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa," raising the specter that Hussein was building a nuclear bomb.

    The Bush administration also claimed it invaded to "free the Iraqi people." "We come to Iraq with respect for its citizens, for their great civilization and for the religious faiths they practice," Bush II declared the night the war began. "We have no ambition in Iraq, except to remove a threat and restore control of that country to its own people."

    The U.S. also claimed it was invading Iraq to end Saddam Hussein's imprisoning and torture of his opponents, as well as the massacres he carried out against Shi'ites, but especially against Iraq's Kurds. Hussein was a reactionary, pro-imperialist tyrant who did imprison, torture, and in some instances massacre his opponents. But after the U.S. had invaded and occupied Iraq, it took over a number of Iraqi prisons, including at Abu Ghraib, and massively imprisoned—and tortured—those it suspected of opposing the occupation. It was only thanks to whistleblowers that the savage torture at Abu Ghraib was exposed to the world. Even then the U.S. government and media tried to minimize the scope and horror of this. The U.S. also carried out its own massacres against the Iraqi people, for example during the November 2004 assault which laid waste to the city of Fallujah, reducing a city of 300,000 to rubble and killing both insurgents and non-combatants. (See "American Crime Case #94: November 2004—War Crime Fallujah.")

    THE ACTUAL MOTIVE:

    During the 1980s, the Hussein regime did produce chemical and biological weapons (with Western support) and used them against Iranian forces during the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war, as well as against Iraq's Kurdish people, most infamously at Halabja in 1988. Iraq also had a secret nuclear weapons program.

    But by the late 1990s, the U.S. knew that Hussein had been forced by the 1991 Persian Gulf War and U.S.-United Nations sanctions to dismantle his WMD programs, as the UN concluded in 1998. In September 2002, the Defense Intelligence Agency concluded that there was "no definitive, reliable information" that Iraq either possessed or was manufacturing chemical or biological weapons. In the months right before the war, top Iraqi officials confirmed to the U.S. and Britain that Iraq had no WMD, and UN inspectors went to Iraq and found no WMD. In early 2002, the New York Times reported the CIA had "no evidence that Iraq has engaged in terrorist operations against the United States in nearly a decade, and that President Saddam Hussein has not provided chemical or biological weapons to Al Qaeda or related terrorist groups."

    After the 2003 war, a team of 1,400 U.S. and British experts scoured Iraq for banned weapons. After four months of searching, none were found. The failure to find any chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons or prohibited missiles showed not only that the Bush regime was blatantly and consciously lying but that the U.S. had been lying about Iraq's purported WMD for nearly a decade.

    Because Iraq had neither attacked nor posed any threat to the U.S., and because the U.S. failed to secure UN Security Council authorization for its invasion, the 2003 war on Iraq violated the UN Charter, the Geneva Conventions, as well as U.S. law, making it a war crime under U.S. and international law.

    What were the U.S.'s real motives? The U.S. rulers had been shocked by the 9/11 attacks, and summed up that anti-U.S. Islamist jihadism, as well as other regional and global changes, represented major threats to U.S. domination of the Middle East, and to its global hegemony, demanding an aggressive multi-pronged response. The Bush team felt compelled to quickly and massively lash back, first by attacking Afghanistan and then by invading Iraq. This was designed to preserve the U.S. empire's global military credibility and to establish its prerogative to depose regimes around the world as it saw fit.

    During a secret November 2001 meeting, as reported by Bob Woodward in State of Denial: Bush at War, Part III, leading strategists close to the Bush administration argued that the 9/11 attacks required a "two-generation battle" to defeat "radical Islam." One dimension was to quickly take down regimes in Iraq, Iran, and Syria that were contributing to the spread of anti-U.S. fundamentalism or that posed obstacles to the U.S. The Bush strategists thought this would open the door to transforming the entire region—"draining the swamp," as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz put it shortly after September 11—to transforming the conditions giving rise to jihadism, as well as solidifying U.S. control. The participants concluded the U.S. couldn't defeat Islamic radicalism without first overthrowing Saddam Hussein.

    The U.S. planned to turn Iraq into a launching pad for the restructuring of the entire Middle East. After the invasion, the Bush team attempted to quickly and radically reshape Iraqi politics, economics, and society in line with this overall vision. The invasion of Iraq was part of an ensemble of actions undertaken to solidify U.S. control of the arc from North Africa through the Middle East to Central Asia. These goals in turn were linked to a larger goal of locking in American global hegemony against rising rivals like Russia and China. None of this had anything to do with "liberating" the Iraqi people.

    SOURCES:

    Iraq: The Human Cost, MIT Center for Human Studies

    Casualties of the Iraq War, Wikipedia

    "Ten Years After U.S. Invasion of Iraq: A War Based on Lies... And a History of Brutal Intervention," revcom.us/Revolution, April 7, 2013

    "The U.S. Legacy 10 Years After Invading Iraq: Death, Disease, Devastation, Displacement," revcom.us/Revolution, March 31, 2013

    Larry Everest, Oil, Power and Empire: Iraq and the U.S. Global Agenda, Common Courage Press, 2004

    Andrew J. Bacevich, America’s War For the Greater Middle East - A Military History

  • ARTICLE:

    Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”
    We Need an Emancipating Revolution!

    Updated

    This year, the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States, will see an ugly torrent of red-white-and-blue celebrations of America as a “great country”—spearheaded by Donald “Make America Great Again” Trump. This is a celebration of America now led by fascists. But the truth is that America was NEVER “great,” whoever was heading up the government. 

    As revolutionary leader Bob Avakian said, if people are stung by that truth about America, they need to look at reality:

    This “Republic” to which we are supposed to pledge allegiance was founded on slavery and genocidal robbery: keeping millions of Black people in chains for generations... killing off huge numbers of Native Americans and stealing their land... waging a war that ripped off half of Mexico, greatly expanding slavery.

    So, was this a great country all during that time—when millions of people were enslaved—owned by bloodsuckers who constantly whipped the slaves to make them work harder under horrific conditions, slave-owners who raped masses of enslaved women? Was this country great then?!

    Was it great when, for generations after slavery was formally ended, Black people as a whole were segregated, discriminated against, and continually terrorized, with repeated massacres of Black people and thousands of Black people lynched? Was it great when, all during that time, LGBT people were “illegal,” when women were legally treated as inferior to men—and men could legally rape their wives? Was it a great country then?!

    Or is it great, now, when people are everyday denied basic rights? When the police kill a thousand people every year, especially people of color, and in the 60 years since Civil Rights Acts were passed, segregation and discrimination has remained as bad, or worse, as it ever was, and thousands of Black people have been killed by police—even greater numbers than all those who were lynched during all the years of Ku Klux Klan terror after the Civil War!

    Has this country ever been great, when, right from the beginning and down to today, the whole thing has literally been built on the broken bodies, the blood and bones, of millions and now billions of people, worldwide—cruelly exploited, used and abused, by this system—with all this backed up by murder on a massive scale carried out by the police and the armed forces of this country?

    No, this country has never been great. It has always been a horror for masses of people. 

    (from social media message REVOLUTION #2: When has the U.S. been a “great country”?)

    It’s way past time for this system—capitalism-imperialism—that rules in this country, dominates the world and now has spawned fascist rule, to be thoroughly abolished, through an actual revolution.

    Below is Part 4 of a series that highlights aspects of how 250 years of America has been nothing but a horror for the masses of people, here and around the world. We call on our readers to send in your contributions to this series—articles, video, audio, artwork, social media posts. Email revolution.reports@yahoo.com or message @therevcoms via social media.

    See also: 

    Part 4: American Crime Case #6: Lynching in America—
    The Torture, Mutilation and Murder of Thousands of Black People and the Terrorizing of Millions More, 1865-1950

    Duluth, Minnesota, three black men were lynched for the alleged rape of Irene Tuskin, a white woman, while a crowd of thousands watched.
    Duluth, Minnesota, three black men were lynched for the alleged rape of Irene Tuskin, a white woman, while a crowd of thousands watched.

     

    June 15, 1920, Duluth, Minnesota: three Black men lynched for the alleged rape of Irene Tuskin, a white woman, while a crowd of thousands watched.

    Read the transcript of this excerpt here

    THE CRIME:

    For over 100 years, from the Civil War period into the 1950s and beyond, thousands of Black people have been lynched in America. Lynchings are violent, public acts of torture, often mutilation, and murder, carried out by white people to terrorize and traumatize Black people. They are lawless actions, often carried out in broad daylight, with thousands taking part and none of the lynchers getting arrested or punished. Cops and government officials often took part.1

    When people think of lynching, they think of people being hung from trees or poles. This was part of what took place, but lynchings were also carried out by beating or torturing Black people to death, or shooting them down. Innocent people were even lynched by being burned alive, dragged behind cars, or thrown off bridges.

    Black men, women, and children were lynched—sometimes whole families. Sometimes hundreds were massacred and whole towns or neighborhoods destroyed. A few examples:

    Tulsa, Oklahoma. In 1921, the Greenwood District of North Tulsa was a self-sufficient, relatively prosperous Black neighborhood known as “Black Wall Street.” On May 31, after false rumors of a Black man assaulting a white woman were spread, a white lynch mob gathered outside the courthouse jail where he was being held and demanded that he be turned over to them. Around 10 p.m., 75 armed Black men, including military veterans, came from Greenwood to the courthouse to protect the man from the mob, which had grown to about 1,500, many of them armed. Gunfire erupted, and in a few seconds about a dozen men were killed or wounded. The outnumbered Black men began a fighting retreat back to Greenwood. Sheriffs swore in more than 500 whites as “Special Deputies” to hunt Black people. The rest of that night Black people were killed and Black businesses and homes burned. Early the next morning a white mob of many thousands, including 150 Tulsa police, surrounded and stormed Greenwood. Forty square blocks of Greenwood burned to the ground, destroying 1,256 homes, businesses, schools, churches, and other buildings. Armed Black people resisted fiercely but were badly outnumbered. As many as 300 people (Black and white) were killed. 2

    Elaine, Arkansas. On the night of September 30, 1919, Black sharecroppers were organizing against the bitter poverty they were forced to live and work in. White landowners found out about their efforts and unleashed a lynch mob which massacred at least 200 Black people, perhaps many more. Afterward, some 300 Black people were arrested, but not a single white person was ever arrested or prosecuted.3

    Rosewood was a small, self-sufficient Black town in rural Florida. During the first week of January 1923, a white lynch mob attacked and destroyed the town. At least six Black people were killed, but eyewitnesses claim the death toll was much higher, anywhere from 27 to 150.4

    Most of those who were lynched were never accused of or charged with any crime. They could be murdered because someone said they assaulted a white person, or approached or just whistled at a white woman. Black people were lynched for demanding basic rights and fair treatment. Many were murdered for minor violations of “Southern manners”—manners which demanded Black people always act like they were totally beneath white people:

    • In 1940, Jesse Thornton was lynched in Luverne, Alabama, for referring to a white police officer by his name without the title of “mister.”
    • In 1918, Private Charles Lewis was lynched in Hickman, Kentucky, after he refused to empty his pockets while wearing his Army uniform.
    • Richard Wilkerson was lynched in Manchester, Tennessee, in 1934 for allegedly slapping a white man who had assaulted a Black woman at an African American dance.
    • White men lynched Jeff Brown in 1916 in Cedarbluff, Mississippi, for accidentally bumping into a white girl as he ran to catch a train.
    • In 1917, Sam Gates was lynched for the offense of “annoying white girls” in England, Arkansas.

    Lynching Carnivals

    These were not secret acts, but part of public life in the South. Sometimes thousands, and sometimes virtually the whole white community, would attend pre-announced lynchings. These were often day-long celebrations with a carnival atmosphere. Families came with picnic baskets, vendors sold food, and photographers documented the occasion—selling pictures of the lynching as postcards. Sometimes the victim’s body parts were sold as “souvenirs.” Here’s one example:

    In 1904, after Luther Holbert allegedly killed a local white landowner, he and a Black woman believed to be his wife were captured by a mob and taken to Doddsville, Mississippi, to be lynched before hundreds of white spectators. Both victims were tied to a tree and forced to hold out their hands while members of the mob methodically chopped off their fingers and distributed them as souvenirs. Next, their ears were cut off. Mr. Holbert was then beaten so severely that his skull was fractured and one of his eyes was left hanging from its socket. Members of the mob used a large corkscrew to bore holes into the victims’ bodies and pull out large chunks of “quivering flesh,” after which both victims were thrown onto a raging fire and burned. The white men, women, and children present watched the horrific murders while enjoying deviled eggs, lemonade, and whiskey in a picnic-like atmosphere.

    Lynchings were so widespread that Southern white children played it as a game. It was called “Salisbury,” probably named for a series of lynchings in Salisbury, North Carolina, in 1902 and 1906.5

    The Equal Justice Initiative found that there were 4,084 racial terror lynchings in 12 southern states between the end of Reconstruction in 1877 and 1950, and another 300 in other states.6

    Campaign of Mass Terror with Lasting Impact to this Day

    All Black people, especially in the South, lived under the threat of lynchings—for the smallest excuse or for no excuse at all. This traumatized and terrorized all Black people.

    The great author Richard Wright was born in Mississippi and knew of two men who were lynched—his step-uncle and the brother of a neighborhood friend. In his book Black Boy, Wright wrote:

    The things that influenced my conduct as a Negro did not have to happen to me directly; I needed but to hear of them to feel their full effects in the deepest layers of my consciousness. Indeed, the white brutality that I had not seen was a more effective control of my behavior than that which I knew.

    THE CRIMINALS

    • No branch of the U.S. government—North or South, including the courts, the legislatures, and the executive branches—at the federal, state and local levels did anything to stop the horror of lynching. Fewer than one percent of lynch mob participants were ever convicted by local courts and they were rarely prosecuted or brought to trial.
    • White vigilante terror groups such as the Ku Klux Klan—KKK.
    • The many thousands of white people who took part in lynchings, celebrated them, or remained silent in the face of them.
    • Northern academics who promoted bogus “scientific” theories that Black people were inferior to whites—which some continue to do to this day.
    • The U.S. Congress, which refused to pass any laws against lynching until 2021 (!), despite the fact that bills outlawing lynching had been introduced as far back as 1900.
    • Leading U.S. officials, including U.S. presidents, who openly promoted racism and white supremacy. For example:
    • In his 1867 annual message to Congress, President Andrew Johnson declared that Black Americans had “less capacity for government than any other race of people,” that they would “relapse into barbarism” if left to their own devices, and that giving them the vote would result in “a tyranny such as this continent has never yet witnessed.”
    • In 1897, Rebecca Latimer Felton, the wife and campaign manager of a U.S. Congressman, argued that one of the great problems in American society was that men were not providing adequate attention to “white women’s vulnerability to the Black rapists” who were supposedly roaming the rural South. “The fault, she declared, lay with southern white men. They had failed to put a ‘sheltering arm about innocence and virtue.’” She concluded that “if lynching was required ‘to protect women’s dearest possession from the ravening human beasts—then I say lynch, a thousand times a week, if necessary.’”7
    • In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt declared that “the greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by Black men, of the hideous crime of rape.”
    • In 1915, President Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat, hosted a showing of the white-supremacist, pro-Confederate film Birth of a Nation in the White House. He praised the film, saying “this was like writing history with lightning.” It was the first film ever to be shown in the White House. His family, his Cabinet and the filmmaker D.W. Griffith attended.

    THE ALIBIS

    The main excuses white mobs used to justify lynching were claims that Black men had approached or sexually assaulted white women or that they had committed some crime—from murder to trivial offenses. Black people were lynched because they’d stepped out of their “place” under the thumb of white people by demanding basic rights, speaking out against mistreatment, or failing to totally subordinate themselves to white people, such as not stepping off the sidewalk to let white people pass or even looking white people in the eye. And many Black people were lynched for no reason at all other than being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

    Lynchings were more formally justified by government and the media as necessary to control supposedly lawless Black people. As a 1905 investigative report put it: 

    Lynching has been resorted to by whites not merely to wreak vengeance, but to terrorize and restrain this lawless element (sic) in the Negro population. Among Southern people, the conviction is general that terror is the only restraining influence that can be brought to bear upon vicious Negroes.

    We won't comment on the bitter irony here that many white men routinely raped Black women and were almost never legally punished. Or that the accusation of lawlessness was being made by the very people who were engaged in horribly sadistic mob violence against people who had never been found guilty in a court of law!

    THE MOTIVES

    Why did the U.S. ruling class, as a whole, support lynching? Because shortly after the Civil War, the capitalist system in the U.S. made a leap to a new stage—to a worldwide system of imperialism, which divided up the entire globe among a handful of powers. The re-entrenchment of white supremacy in a new form, after the Civil War, formed an important element in the U.S. rise to major power status among these imperialists.

    The cotton and tobacco produced by the bitterly exploited Black sharecroppers were the top cash crops of the U.S. from 1850 to 1890, and Black men who were arrested by Southern sheriffs on the flimsiest of charges and literally sold as slave labor built the industrial infrastructure of the South.

    Lynching played a very important role in all this, and the U.S. ruling class backed them to the hilt. Sometimes lynchings were carried out for greed—to murder Black people and steal their land. (The Associated Press documented over 57 violent land-takings by whites.)

    But the hellish social function served by lynchings was larger than this. Lynchings served to enforce the social and economic system in which Black people were chained to the land through terror, which played a crucial role in the functioning and strength of U.S. capitalism, and its rise as a global imperialist power.8

    BAsics-1-1-554-en.jpg

     

    Bob Avakian, "They're selling postcards of the hanging," clip from Revolution: Why It's Necessary, Why It's Possible, What It's All About, a film of a talk by Bob Avakian, a film of a talk.
    American Crime Ad for whole series with image of U.S. airstrike in Gaza.

     

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Lynching in America: Confronting the Legacy of Racial Terror, Third Editiona report from the Equal Justice InitiativeWhat Are Lynchings? NAACP.org. [back]

    2. American Crime Case #12: The 1921 Tulsa Massacre and the Destruction of Black Wall Street, revcom.us, January 20, 2020. [back]

    3. American Crime Case #9: The 1919 Massacre of Black Sharecroppers in Elaine, Arkansas, revcom.us, October 19, 2020. [back]

    4. The Rosewood Massacre, Wikipedia. [back]

    5. Susan Barringer Wells, A Game Called Salisbury: The Spinning of a Southern Tragedy and the Myths Of Race (2d ed. 2010), cited in Lynching in America: Confronting the Legacy of Racial Terror. [back]

    6. The number of racist terror lynchings does not include hangings and mob violence that followed some criminal trial process. We also distinguish terror lynchings from racial violence and hate crimes that were prosecuted as criminal acts. Between 1849 and 1928, there were also hundreds of lynchings and instances of racist violence targeting Mexican Americans and Mexicans in the border states of the South and Southwest. In the West, between 1850 and 1900, Chinese immigrants were also subjected to lynch-mob pogroms. See American Crime Case #16: “La Matanza”: A Decade of Lynching & Terrorizing Mexican People in South Texas, 1910–1920, revcom.us, July 1, 2019; American Crime #67 - 1848-1900: Brutal Exploitation and Ruthless Oppression of Chinese Immigrants, revcom.us, February 13, 2017. [back]

    7. The Rebirth of a Nation by Jackson Lears, cited in the talk by Bob Avakian, The Problem, the Solution, and the Challenges Before Us, revcom.us, August 31, 2017. [back]

    8. See, “The Rise of the Lynch Mob” in The Oppression of Black People, The Crimes of This System and the Revolution We Need, revcom.us, October 16, 2021. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Horrific White Christian Fascism atop the Pentagon

    Something Worse Than "Controversial Christian Nationalism"

    Editors’ note: This article by Paul Street, historian and author, originally appeared on February 22 at The Paul Street Report.

    Pete Hegseth, left, prays with Moscow, Idaho, pastor Doug Wilson at the Pentagon in Virginia.

     

     The U.S. “Secretary of War” in prayer with a pastor who looks back kindly on Black chattel slavery.    Photo: DOW Rapid Response via X

    The mainstream Washington, DC-based political journal The Hill chillingly reports that: 

    A controversial Christian nationalist pastor who has argued that women should be denied the right to vote led a worship service at the Pentagon this week at the invitation of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. 

    Doug Wilson delivered a 15-minute sermon Tuesday as part of a monthly Christian worship series started by Hegseth at the Department of Defense (DOD) this past May. In his sermon, which was broadcast live on the Pentagon’s internal TV network, Wilson said he prayed for ‘a black swan revival,’ or another great awakening of Christianity in the country….

    A DOD account on social media later posted a photo of Hegseth praying with his hand on Wilson’s shoulder and stating: ‘We have gathered at the Pentagon for our monthly worship service. We are One Nation Under God.’”

    The Hill reports that Hegseth is a member of Wilson’s church, the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches. It quotes Pentagon press secretary Kingsley Wilson (no relation) on why Hegseth invited Doug Wilson to preach at the Pentagon:

    Secretary Hegseth, along with millions of Americans, is a proud Christian and was glad to welcome Pastor Wilson to the Pentagon on Tuesday. The Christian faith is woven deeply into the fabric of our nation. Despite the Left’s efforts to remove our Christian heritage from our great nation, Secretary Hegseth is among those who embrace it.”

    The Hill notes that pastor Wilson professes the following beliefs: homosexuality should be criminalized; women must be obedient to the commands of their husbands; the 19th Amendment granting voting rights to women should be repealed; southern slave-owners were on “firm scriptural ground.”

    The Hill quotes Fred Wellman, a Democratic congressional candidate who says that Hegseth’s platforming of pastor Wilson is “an unconstitutional and extreme attack on the 1st Amendment”17 whereby “Hegseth is using his official position to make his religion the official one of the Department of Defense using official facilities, communications channels and personnel.”

    The Hill might have also mentioned the fact that Hegseth attended the opening of Wilson’s church in Washington DC last year and that Wilson is on record with the alarming belief that the best period in the history of U.S. race relations was the era of Black chattel slavery. More than two decades, Wilson and a co-author wrote the following in a book titled Southern Slavery as it Was: “Slavery as it existed in the South … was a relationship based upon mutual affection and confidence…There has never been a multiracial society which has existed with such mutual intimacy and harmony in the history of the world…Slave life was to them [slaves] a life of plenty, of simple pleasures, of food, clothes, and good medical care.”18

    The Hill might have noted the absurdity of Kingsley Wilson’s claims that there is a relevant “Left” seeking to eliminate American Christianity and that (more on this below) Wilson and Hegseth represent “the Christian faith” and “our Christian heritage” in general.

    The big thing missing in The Hill’s report is the real horror and real nature of Doug Wilson’s beliefs, shared by the maniacal far-right self-described Crusader atop the most lethal imperialist military in world history.

    “Controversial” and “Christian nationalist”? Try genocidally racist, white nationalist, and indeed Christian fascist. This arch-reactionary motherfucker Doug Wilson and his deranged acolyte Pete Hegseth want to repeal every civil and social right won in America through courageous and often bloody struggle from the bottom up by masses of oppressed people. They pine for the restoration of racial and gender slavery, the incarceration and torture of gay and trans people, the prohibition of free speech and assembly, and more terrible to contemplate, all in the name of “One Nation Under God.”

    The revolutionary communist leader Bob Avakian has been warning us for many years about the danger of Amerikkkan Christian fascism. As Avakian wrote in July of 2024, while Trump was claiming that God had just saved his life during an alleged assassination attempt: “Christian fascism is not the same as Christianity in general as a religion: Christian fascism is a form of Christian fundamentalism, a fanatically anti-scientific lunacy marked by determination to reverse even the partial gains that have been made in the struggle against injustice and oppression over the past 75 years.” Avakian noted the Christian theologian James Luther Adams’ warning that “American fascists would not come wearing swastikas and brown shirts [like the German Nazis]. The American variety [of fascists], he said, would come carrying crosses and chanting the Pledge of Allegiance.”19

    That’s exactly what we see with the open Christian fascist “crusader,” Pete Hegseth, rechristened Secretary of War by the corrupt fascist leader Donald “Take Down the Metal Detectors” Trump. Speaking to 800-plus top military brass called to Quantico from across the vast U.S. global military empire last September, Hegseth railed about America “warriors’” need to replace “tepid legality with maximum lethality.” Speaking after Hegseth, Trump himself informed the commanders that the “War Department’s” lethality needs to be directed against the nation’s top adversary, “the enemy within,” by which Trump meant everybody to the “radical” left of Dear Leader Trump, with a special emphasis on the nation’s majority nonwhite Democratic Party-run cities.

    Truth is these fascists are taking aim at gains won during the Civil War (the abolition of slavery and birthright citizenship) and the Progressive Age (women’s suffrage)!

    Why does the demented neofascist Christian white nationalist “crusader” Hegseth sit atop the “War Department,” along with the unqualified MAGA general Dan “Raizin” Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff? Because of his willingness to do something Trump45’s Defense chiefs refused to do: deploy the U.S. armed forces in American streets to crush resistance to the Amerikaner fascist20 agenda if “necessary.”

    Pete Hegseth, Christian Fascist

     

    “Carrying crosses and chanting the Pledge of Allegiance”: a Christian fascist crusader eager to rape America and the world with the U.S. military under his, Trump’s, and God’s command.    Photo: IG @PeteHegseth

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. The actual language of the First Amendment is rather restricted. It prohibits Congress from making laws “respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” That said, the Supreme Court has subsequently imposed a “high and impregnable wall,” mandating government neutrality and blocking state-funded and state-mandated religious activities. We may not want to see the current Trump-crafted Supreme Court make a definitive ruling on “the establishment clause.” [back]

    2. For proof that the truth of slavery was precisely the opposite — ruthless and bloody exploitation and indeed torture of Black slaves in service to profit — see The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery the Making of American Capitalism (Basic Books, 2014), partially reviewed in Paul Street, This Happened Here: Amerikaners, Neoliberals, and the Trumping of America (New York: Routledge, 2021), pp. 230-231. [back]

    3. I am sadly aware that the mere mention of Avakian’s name sets alight the underclothes and skin of many “left intellectuals” who have read barely a word from his prolific historical and philosophical body of work. The truth is that Avakian has been eloquently and learnedly warning about Amerikan Christian fascism for a least three decades now. [back]

    4. Meaning white supremacist, arch-patriarchal, xenophobic nationalist, and dictatorial, with a strong “Christian” fundamentalist flavor in the American historical context. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0
    A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

    Revcom.us editors’ note: We are reposting this statement received from RefuseFascism.org.

    The Trump regime rode into 2026 on a rampage. From Venezuela to the streets of Minneapolis, the regime murders with impunity and demonizes whole peoples and countries without any pretense of the rule of law.

    On January 7, an ICE agent murdered Renee Good in cold blood for daring to stand up for her immigrant neighbors. On January 24, CBP agents beat Alex Pretti to the ground and executed him. These are Trump’s Gestapo thugs—unleashed in Minneapolis on a campaign of terror and vengeance. The regime has responded not with accountability, but with lies, justifying murder through the twisted logic that anyone who resists deserves to be shot down.

    This is fascism, a different form of brutal rule to enforce white supremacist, patriarchal, and xenophobic oppression and violence. As long as this regime remains in power, this terror will not only continue—it will accelerate. The events of this month—from illegally bombing Venezuela and kidnapping the leader of a sovereign nation to murdering civilians in the streets—have brought this home in blood and should dispel any complacency.

    This regime will not be bound by any laws or measures of decency that stop them from advancing their aims. They have:

    • begun genocidal ethnic cleansing of non-white immigrants, rounded up and sent to concentration camps by lawless masked men;
    • unleashed war and terror abroad, while moving aggressively to crush dissent at home;
    • branded anti-fascist protesters and political opponents as “domestic terrorists,” laying the groundwork for mass repression.

    SHREDDING ANY RULE OF U.S. OR INTERNATIONAL LAW, and getting away with it over and over, is paving the way for horrors that surpass those of the Nazi regime. There is no living with this.

    San Francisco Refuse Fascism contingent, January 11, 2026

     

    San Francisco, January 11, 2026    IG: nate_love

    The protests in Minneapolis and across this country have been righteous and inspiring. They must continue—and they must grow. And we must join our righteous fury in the streets with the only demand that truly measures up to the threat this regime poses to all of humanity:

    Trump Must Go Now!

    No community is safe while the fascist Trump regime controls federal agencies and consolidates power. There is no restraining or abolishing ICE when Trump’s attacks on immigrants are the battering ram and linchpin of his fascist program. To stop ICE terror—and every outrage of the last year—the whole regime must be stopped.

    Nothing but massive nonviolent struggle by you, and millions of others like you, can do that. By walking out. By shutting down. By millions rising in massive, unrelenting, nonviolent protest and resistance. By coming back stronger in the face of attack and repression. By uniting, not dividing, across many viewpoints and backgrounds.

    We must not wait for future and rigged elections.

    The power of the people must drive the Trump Fascist Regime out of power now—before it is too late.

    ICE Must Go
    The Whole Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now
    In the Name of Humanity, We Refuse to Accept a Fascist America

  • ARTICLE:

    Revolutionary Literature in the 2026 Mexico City International Book Fair—Palacio de Minería

    Revcom.us editors’ note: The following, which appeared on the blog Aurora Roja, Voice of the Revolutionary Communist Group, Mexico, was translated by revcom.us volunteers.

    Revolutionary Literature in the 2026 Mexico City International Book Fair

     

    RCP Publications

    Stand 709, ground floor, below the stairs

    Tacuba 5, Downtown Mexico City, Bellas Artes or Allende subway stop

    Friday, February 20-Sunday, March 1

     

    Works by Bob Avakian, international revolutionary leader

    Follow him in Spanish at revcom.us, and in English at @BobAvakianOfficial

    And revolutionary books, pamphlets and videos on the New Communism, the genocide in Gaza, Venezuela, immigrants, the liberation of women, the environmental emergency, science, and much more.

     

     

    Conference:

    Fight Now for the New Socialist Revolution!

    Featuring: Ángel Sandoval Hernández, Revolution Movement

    Moderator: Jorge Antonio Montemayor, Researcher, Institute of Physics, National Autonomous University of Mexico

    Salón de la Academia de Ingeniería

    Sunday, March 1, 2026, 4 p.m.

  • ARTICLE:

    In These Historic Times
    Donate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

    $20,000 needed by March 1, 2026

    Updated

    20000.00
    17411.00

    As of
    Goal: $20,000
    Raised: $17,411

    Daily, the truth of these words from Bob Avakian (BA) stand out more sharply:

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    As we embark on a year that will be full of new demands and much struggle in the fight for a radically different and far better world, revcom.us is launching a drive to raise $20,000 to continue to maintain a robust Revolution website. 

    As the Trump regime accelerates its brutal moves to consolidate fascism in the U.S., with all the horrors on top of horrors that will bring to people here and the world over, this website is more crucial than ever. Revcom.us must play a key role in leading the revolutionary way out of this madness to a whole different world.

    It is at revcom.us that people here and in over 150 countries worldwide can access the full range of work (in English and Spanish) that BA has done over decades in bringing forward the new communism. Bob Avakian has scientifically analyzed that we are in a critical historical juncture—a rare time when an actual revolution has become more possible in this country. And through his interviews, writings and social media messages @BobAvakianOfficial, he charts the road forward to both the need and possibility of making revolution, speaking to the burning questions of the hour. 

    BA has been sounding the alarm about the rise of fascism for 30 years, and his analysis of its roots in the system of capitalism-imperialism is essential to understand not only what we face, but how this regime can be driven from power. This is concentrated in the compilation available at revcom.us—Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.

    BA is the author of the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which contains the sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for a socialist society that is in transition to a communist world—a world in which humanity will be emancipated from all forms and relations of exploitation and oppression, and from the ignorance and selfishness required and perpetuated by systems based on exploitation. Revcom.us is where people can read this Constitution and dig into what it says—like in the current series on how the new socialist state would deal with relations with other countries in a way that is totally different from what U.S. imperialism does around the world, and even from the way previous socialist states have handled this question.

    This new socialist system can only be brought about through an actual revolution involving millions in which the old machinery of exploitation, domination and oppression is not reformed but abolished. Revcom.us makes available to people the strategy that BA has forged for how to make this revolution, in this most powerful and destructive empire in history. 

    Revcom.us is where people go each week for urgently needed, scientific, internationalist exposure and analysis of world events—from the uprising in Iran, to the fascist MAGA moves across the Western Hemisphere and other parts of the world… attacks on women and trans people… persecution and brutalization of immigrants and Black people… existential threats to humanity from climate change caused by this system and war, possibly nuclear war, between imperialists… and much more. In this moment, revcom.us reports on the fascist moves Trump is making, exposing the roots of this fascism in the history of this country and in the capitalist-imperialist system.

    It is at revcom.us that people can learn about and connect with the REVCOM CORPS For The Emancipation Of Humanity. It’s where people can join with others in the movement for revolution and get the guidance and find the ways to contribute to and work together, in a unified way to not only wage the struggle to drive out the Trump regime, but as a part of preparing the ground and the people for the revolution that is so urgently needed.  

    Revcom.us is a lifeline for people agonizing about what is happening in the U.S. and world and seeking solutions—giving people a scientific understanding of what is happening, why it is happening, what is in the interests of humanity, and how to emancipate humanity through revolution. It must be accessible to all, and maintained and expanded. The $20,000 needed must be raised by the end of February. 

    Be part of supporting and building a community around revcom.us. DONATE GENEROUSLY.

    An Update on the Revcom.us Fund Drive: 
    The Dynamic Factor of C. Clark Kissinger’s Article

    The 2026 fund drive to sustain and expand the reach of revcom.us has begun. Meeting the initial match of $2,000 collectively contributed by volunteers on the staff has propelled this drive forward. We still have $11,369 to raise by the end of February, but the donations made so far really matter to being able to maximize this website’s role in fighting for revolution and a new society.

    In reaching out to donors, we want to share how important the recent piece by C. Clark Kissinger on the occasion of his 85th birthday—“85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go… but Trump Has to Go Now!”—has been in connecting with new readers as well as longtime supporters and readers of revcom.us.

    A number of people who contributed to the drive have spoken to the impact that Clark’s article had on compelling them to donate. Just a few of these comments:

    “Wow! Wow! Wow!”

    “This was quite impressive… that this person is projecting this kind of revolutionary spirit and burning at this age and looking forward to more. This new synthesis [of communism developed by Bob Avakian, including] how freedom can be wrenched from necessity—it’s like opening the door to something that one might have previously thought not possible.”

    “The whole piece resonates but it was helpful to see it put together like that and something important to reflect on especially the breakthroughs brought forward by BA. For me, especially the understanding of internationalism. ... Part 3 in [Clark’s] piece on the new communism gives people a ‘sense of real hope in these extremely dark times.’”

    Contributing to maintaining and expanding the coverage and reach of revcom.us is crucial at this historic juncture—a rare time when revolution has become more possible in this country. Key in this is the role of revcom.us in projecting Avakian's leadership and the new communism he has forged. As Clark says in his article: “Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.”

    Now is the time to donate to revcom.us!

    The $2,000 match challenge from the staff of revcom.us has been met! Thanks to all who have donated so far.

    Warm revolutionary greetings to all.

    We who volunteer our time and resources as staff for this website put up $2K challenge that has been met! This is toward the fundraising goal of $20,000 by March 1.

    As this fund drive is being launched, we are watching the emergence of the courage of thousands, compelled to stand up in the face of real danger, focused in Minneapolis right now with the possibility to draw in many, many others, in response to fascist outrages most thought "couldn't happen here". We are watching as the anger, hopes, and dreams of the masses of people in Iran has once again burst onto the stage. Many people are beginning to see in stark relief the inhumanity and brutality of those in power, especially the fascist Trump regime, in contrast to the humanity and, as one woman in Minneapolis said, the love, empathy, and courage of those standing up to these things.

    At the same time, it stands out sharply how so few understand that the source of the nightmares humanity confronts, including the Trump fascist regime, is the system of capitalism-imperialism, and that this is profoundly UNnecessary. Revolution could bring into being a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system. The fact that so few know of this is a problem to solve, quickly. People need the new communism that Bob Avakian has brought forward, and the leadership he's providing, in this rare time when revolution is more possible.

    Revcom.us is where people can get timely scientific analysis of the system that rules in this country and dominates the world... why this system can't be reformed but must be abolished through an actual revolution... what a radically new society will look like after a revolution... and how to actively work now for this revolution in the face of intensifying dangers and horrors. If you don't know deeply what this website is about, it's all here for the taking.

    So we, the revcom.us staff, challenge you: Donate toward the $20,000 goal to maintain and expand this website and its reach. Donate to support this crucial mission.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

  • ARTICLE:

    In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the Movement

    The Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today

    Updated

    Did you know that from 1956 to 1971 the FBI conducted a program designed to foment conflict within revolutionary movements, as well as broader movements for reform—conflicts which not only crippled these movements, but served as a cover to carry out frame-ups and even outright murder of revolutionary fighters and activists?

    Did you know that they sent undercover people into these movements specifically to create or magnify conflicts? Did you know that they relied on unsubstantiated gossip and often inventions, as well as forged documents as part of their arsenal?

    Did you know that they took statements out of context to distort the real views of activists and revolutionary fighters and use these as pretexts for smear campaigns and attempted prosecutions?

    All this came to light in 1971, when some brave and heroic people appropriated the files revealing this program in a nighttime operation to go into an FBI office and bring these criminal activities by the government to light. As a result, many people in the movements of the time and even beyond, in broader society, adopted different standards for settling inevitable conflicts over politics and ideology in a principled way, and preventing the police, FBI and other government agencies from spreading slanders, fomenting conflicts and endangering the lives of people active in the struggle for justice.

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.

     

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.    Photo: AP

    Now, decades later, a new generation is way too unaware either of the FBI activities or the protocols widely adopted. We saw the results of this in 2022, with the vicious and very dangerous slander campaign that was launched against Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights, the revcoms, Bob Avakian and Sunsara Taylor. And now, in light of the heightened repression from Trump fascism and the low standards that exist among people broadly, we are reissuing this article.

    We urge people to read and spread the article below, and to insist on principled discussion and debate over disagreements and to oppose any dangerous campaigns of lies, disinformation and distortion.

    ~~~~~~~~~~~

    COINTELPRO was launched by the FBI in secret in 1956 in the context of the rising civil rights movement, and operations were later “signed on” to by the Kennedy administration. Its reach was broad and vicious. The FBI, working in sync with local police “Red Squads” (political police) wrote leaflets fomenting conflicts between different groups. They sent anonymous letters warning parents and school administrators of what their children and students were supposedly doing. They conducted police surveillance and repression against antiwar coffee houses opening near military bases. And those the FBI identified as leaders, in particular, were marked for “neutralization” by the FBI, a euphemism for being framed up on serious criminal charges or killed.

    One of the earliest, ugliest and most grievous FBI operations was against Malcolm X. We recently covered this, and we are including it here as a companion to this article.

    Going After Martin Luther King Through Personal Slander and Harassment

    One element in COINTELPRO attacks on the civil rights movement was the dissemination by the FBI of allegations about Martin Luther King’s sex life that had nothing to do with the struggle for civil rights, or debates within that movement or in society as a whole. The FBI bugged King’s bedroom(!) and then, directly or posing as “concerned individuals” sent supposed taped “evidence” to media outlets and others, including colleges where King was invited to speak, demanding he be disinvited. They even sent such a tape to his wife, Coretta Scott King, in the hope of causing anguish and breaking up the marriage.

    The FBI also circulated allegations that King’s movement had organizational and financial connections to communists, playing on anti-communist prejudices, to push (and provide an excuse for) white liberals and what the FBI identified as “the responsible Negro community” to stay away from the civil rights movement at a time when civil rights activists were being brutally attacked and murdered by police and the KKK, and as a cover for massive surveillance of the civil rights movement. Whether or not the authorities were directly involved in King’s murder in Memphis in 1968 as his family and close associates have insisted, the COINTELPRO operation created conditions that facilitated his assassination and was continued for a year after his death.

    WIKI-Mlk-suicide-letter-400.jpg

     

    Going After the Panthers: Fomenting Conflicts to Murder Leadership

    A major objective and focus of COINTELPRO was isolating and setting up the most revolutionary forces at the time, especially the Black Panther Party (BPP), for attack. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, in a secret memo, wrote to offices calling for “imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence measures aimed at crippling the BPP.” (Emphasis added.)

    As they did with Malcolm X (see the accompanying article), the FBI often focused on setting up others to do the actual dirty work. To take one notorious example, the FBI forged a letter, supposedly from someone in the community, to Jeff Fort, the leader of the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago gang at the time, claiming that the Black Panther Party was getting ready to move on him. In this case, in the climate of the times when there was both a broad culture of being alert to moves by the authorities to forge accusations to set people up, and when there was broad respect for the Panthers and the revolution, Fort decided the threatening letter was not credible. This letter was part of a larger COINTELPRO operation that set into motion events that led to the assassination of Panther leader Fred Hampton by Chicago police and the FBI in 1969.

    FredHamptonKilledHirez_AP691204082-400.jpg

     

    Chicago police with Fred Hampton's body.    Photo: AP

    In another COINTELPRO operation, the LA office of the FBI came up with a plan to forge a letter claiming the US Organization (United Slaves), which had been attacking the Panthers, believed that the BPP had a contract out to kill their leader. The LA FBI office wrote that the objective was for “this counterintelligence measure [to] result in an ‘US’ and BPP vendetta.” The operation was part of what led to the terrible murder of Black Panther leaders John Huggins and Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter by US members in Los Angeles.

    Black Panthers, Bunchy Carter and John Huggins

     

    Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, Black Panther leaders, murdered in 1969.   

    Again, there were real issues to resolve, questions to investigate, and debates to struggle out among those struggling for a different and better world in different ways, coming from different outlooks at the time, as now. The pattern and practice of COINTELPRO was to exploit these contradictions to twist them into vicious, destructive personal attacks, with an aim of disintegrating the movements for social change and an edge of isolating and setting up the most radical and revolutionary forces and leaders for what COINTELPRO documents euphemistically referred to as “neutralization.”

    Conclusion: don’t fall for—and don’t tolerate—the kinds of behavior that mimic what the FBI has used to destroy social movements. Call it out.

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.

     

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.   

    Identifying and Going After Bob Avakian Early On

    In his memoir, From Ike to Mao and Beyond, Bob Avakian (BA), who emerged as a revolutionary in the 1960s and today is leading the movement for revolution, talks about how he was a target for surveillance. At a demonstration, he was approached by the head of the Berkeley police “red squad” and told that he and the Revolutionary Union (the RU, which BA played a central role in founding) were under surveillance.

    BA has written about being in Chicago for the New Politics Convention and going back to his car and finding a guy who was “obviously from the Chicago red squad or the FBI” in a car behind his car “writing things down.” A Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) discovery revealed that the House of Representatives did a “whole report and investigation on the RU.” Another FOIA inquiry also showed that BA was under surveillance in Maywood, a suburb of Chicago, and that the FBI had made a diagram of the inside of his house, “indicating through which windows someone could see different things going on inside the house.” This was a similar type of diagram to that used by the FBI and the Chicago cops that enabled them to assassinate Fred Hampton, leader of the Chicago Black Panther Party.

    memoir-front.jpg

     

    Resources:

    The book The COINTELPRO Papers, by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall contains a vast collection of original FBI memos and reports including documentation for the incidents described in this article. It is available as an online PDF.

    This article draws on installments of the American Crime series at revcoms.us: American Crime Case #41: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the New Left, 1964-1971 and American Crime Case #42: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the Black Freedom Struggle, 1956-1971.

    An important letter drawing lessons for today from the COINTELPRO operation against Malcolm X: A Reflection on Piggery—Then and Now.

  • ARTICLE:

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 

    Trump/MAGA fascism is being aggressively imposed on this society in many horrifying ways, instilling fear and a pull towards cooperation with government authorities. One of the ways people are being confronted with this is in situations where people are stopped as they go about their daily business at school, work, or shopping for food and necessities. Right now, that is a living reality for people who are being targeted as “illegal” immigrants, based on how they look or talk. But there are other situations that can be equally frightening: like when someone is arrested at or in connection with a political protest, or when someone is being questioned by police when they don’t have any idea what it is about. In all cases, people need to know what is the best way to respond to prevent these government agencies from doing great harm

    In the popular culture in movies and TV shows, to the ever-present law-and-order shows of one kind or another, and even the news, all trumpet the same theme: if the police want to talk to you, you are already assumed to be guilty—of something. To exercise one's legal rights is viewed as further evidence of guilt; even the most basic right—getting a lawyer to defend oneself from the legal and illegal onslaught of cops, prosecutors and judges—is depicted with a sneer as "lawyering up," as though this shows you must be guilty or have something to hide. 

    Miranda Rights, four points.

     

    Sometimes you hear the police reading what’s called the Miranda warning (see box) to a person they are intending to interrogate, stating that you have the right to remain silent and the right to a lawyer. But then everything proceeds as though the person being questioned is showing their guilt by refusing to answer questions and getting a lawyer to represent them.

    But in real-life situations, the best advice lawyers give anyone who is being arrested, questioned or contacted in any way by the police is: DON’T TALK. 

    It is important for people to know what rights they DO have when agents of repression come sniffing around. And it is especially important to insist on those rights even as they are increasingly coming under attack. 

    Bob Avakian has spoken to this point in his social media message @BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #106:

    As we revcoms (revolutionary communists) have made clear in the Declaration WE NEED AND WE DEMAND: A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM: “So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution.”

    So, what rights based on the U.S. Constitution are supposed to apply whether during an arrest or in any contact with police or government agencies? How should people defend their rights individually and collectively, and what kind of culture is needed to resist the government forces of repression?

    The Right to Remain Silent—Don't Talk

    When facing agents of government repression (here we are talking about the local police and prosecutors, state or federal law enforcement or various government agencies), the principle of "Don't Talk" is an important legal principle overall, and it is crucial in fighting to protect the various movements of resistance and of revolution from government repression. This principle is stressed very strongly by criminal defense lawyers and civil rights organizations—you have a RIGHT to remain silent.

    Many legal rights organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and National Lawyers Guild (NLG), have published materials to inform people of their rights. The most important thing they all advise is to assert your right to NOT answer questions. 

    For example, the following is from a brochure published by the ACLU of Southern California

    WHAT TO DO IF YOU’RE STOPPED BY POLICE, IMMIGRATION AGENTS OR THE FBI:
    YOUR RIGHTS 

    • You have the right to remain silent. If you wish to exercise that right, say so out loud.
    • You have the right to refuse to consent to a search of yourself, your car or your home.
    • If you are not under arrest, you have the right to calmly leave.
    • You have the right to a lawyer if you are arrested. Ask for one immediately.
    • Regardless of your immigration or citizenship status, you have constitutional rights.

    And the National Lawyers Guild advises what to do if an FBI agent or police officer knocks at the door:

    Do not open the door. State that you are going to remain silent. Do not answer any questions, or even give your name. Anything you say, no matter how seemingly harmless or insignificant, can be used against you or others. Ask the agents to slide their business cards under the door and tell them that your lawyer will contact them. If the agent or officer gives a reason for contacting you, take notes and give the information to your lawyer.21 

    What Harm Can Talking Do?

    There are many myths and lies promoted in the dominant culture and by the police themselves which leave people confused and feeling they have no choice but to cooperate. This is absolutely wrong and dangerous to any movements of resistance from among the people. 

    Myth #1—Cooperating will make the authorities go away.

    In fact, it often does just the opposite. After all, if they size someone up as a "talker" or weak link, they'll milk this person for all the information they can get. They may return with more questions or continue this line of questioning with others.

    Myth #2—Talking will prevent being arrested.

    The authorities promote the illusion that a person should try to "save their own hide" by cooperating and talking. In reality, as the ACLU and NLG underscore, in many circumstances talking may increase the chances of a person being busted, and may be sealing the case against himself/herself as well as others.

    Myth #3—As long as the information provided is harmless, there's nothing wrong with talking.

    When people don't know their rights and talk freely to the authorities, this can do great harm—no matter what information they provide.

    First of all, because the person doesn't know the full agenda of the authorities, he/she has no basis to evaluate whether or not information is "harmless." Even if the authorities claim to be investigating something that has nothing to do with your politics or political activities (or those of others), appearances can be deceiving. The authorities can and will twist any information to their advantage.

    Secondly, the act of talking encourages the authorities to pursue this tactic and go after others.

    Finally, and most importantly, talking fuels the government's efforts to eliminate any movements of opposition and dissent, while standing firm and not talking as a matter of principle contributes to building a culture of resistance and defiance.

    Myth #4—If I don't cooperate, won't it look like I have something to hide?

    According to the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR),

    This is one of the most frequently asked questions. The answer involves the nature of political "intelligence" investigations and the job of the FBI. Agents will try to make you feel that it will "look bad" if you don't cooperate with them. Many people not familiar with how the FBI operates worry about being uncooperative…. (T)hey [the FBI] are intent on learning about the habits, opinions, and affiliations of people not suspected of wrongdoing....

    They will do anything to get a person to talk: from good cop/bad cop approaches (aimed at getting the person to "open up" to the more sympathetic cop) to threats and outright brutality. They also use "mind games" such as saying that others have already informed on a person; or even going so far as falsely telling someone a family member has died in order to get the person to let down his/her guard and reveal information about themselves or others.

    Any information that a person provides—no matter how seemingly insignificant—can be twisted and used against that person themselves, or against people and organizations who expose and oppose the crimes of this system. The government has a long history of lying about the facts and fabricating "evidence" in order to frame movement activists and revolutionaries. They take intelligence gathered from a variety of sources and use it in the most sinister ways, even including murder. Consequently, there is no reason to be in the least defensive about not talking to or cooperating with authorities.

    If a person thinks that he/she can just "bullshit" an agent, this too is a trap. The investigators are trained to be "friendly" and listen to people's stories. To quote a textbook on interrogation techniques, "Letting the subject tell a few lies, and letting him apparently get away with them, is an excellent technique, and works well with many types of subjects. We have seen that lying on the part of the subject works to the advantage of the interrogator...." The NLG has pointed out:

    Keep in mind that although they are allowed to lie to you, lying to a government agent is a crime. Remaining silent is not. The safest things to say are "I am going to remain silent," "I want to speak to my lawyer," and " do not consent to a search." [emphasis added]22

    Conclusion

    As spoken to throughout this article, as part of trying to beat down movements of resistance and of revolution, agents of the government (police, FBI, prosecutors, etc.) have developed methods to trick, intimidate and brutalize people into giving up legal rights and protections established by the legal system in this country. This basic dynamic and truth needs to be clearly understood, and if various organizations and movements are serious about the challenges they face, they need to grapple with how—mainly by relying on mass movements of the people—to resist such repression.

    History has shown that when the decent people refuse to concede the moral authority on what is right and what is wrong, they are better able to withstand repression and continue to develop resistance. If they do not take this approach, they find themselves in a situation where: That which you do not resist and mobilize to stop, you will learn—or be forced—to accept. Part of building a culture of defiance and resistance among people standing up against fascism and the crimes of this system is refusing to allow the government to either intimidate or bamboozle people into giving up resistance, and refusing in any way to enter into complicity with such intimidation and repression.

    In this context, the legal principles underlying "Don't Talk" take on heightened importance. Those confronted by police agents should not be bamboozled into giving up the legal rights they do have, as this will only lead to strengthening the repressive apparatus of the state, and help to undercut the ability to struggle against the crimes of this system and to build a movement for revolution to overthrow this system and bring about a fundamentally different and much better system. 

    Immigrant Legal Resource Center red cards

     

    Red Cards

    Red cards are being distributed by the thousands in immigrant communities throughout the country, advising people of their rights. This is the text of the “red cards.” 

    I do not wish to speak with you, answer your questions, or sign or hand you any documents based on my 5th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution. I do not give you permission to enter my home based on my 4th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution unless you have a warrant to enter, signed by a judge or magistrate with my name on it that you slide under the door. I do not give you permission to search any of my belongings based on my 4th Amendment rights. I choose to exercise my constitutional rights. These cards are available to citizens and noncitizens alike.

    • DO NOT OPEN THE DOOR if an immigration agent is knocking on the door.
    • DO NOT ANSWER ANY QUESTIONS from an immigration agent if they try to talk to you. You have the right to remain silent.
    • DO NOT SIGN ANYTHING without first speaking to a lawyer. You have the right to speak with a lawyer.
    • If you are outside of your home, ask the agent if you are free to leave and if they say yes, leave calmly.
    • GIVE THIS CARD TO THE AGENT. If you are inside of your home, show the card through the window or slide it under the door.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Operation Backfire: A Survival Guide for Environmental and Animal Rights Activists, National Lawyers Guild, 2009 [back]

    2. “Know Your Rights! What to Do if Questioned by Police, FBI, Customs Agents or Immigration Officers,” by National Lawyers Guild, S.F. Bay Area Chapter, ACLU of Northern California and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC-SF), 2004  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)

    Brief Introduction:

    The following article by Bob Avakian was originally published in 1987. We are republishing it now, because it remains highly relevant in terms of understanding the basic nature of this system we live under—the system of capitalism-imperialism—and the role of the U.S. Constitution as the legal and political basis for this system of ruthless exploitation, murderous oppression and massive destruction. In this republished version, Bob Avakian has provided some Added Notes at the end of the article, to further clarify important points.

    * * * * *

    James Madison, who was the main author of the Constitution of the United States, was also an upholder of slavery and the interests of the slaveowners in the United States. Madison, the fourth president of the United States, not only wrote strongly in defense of the Constitution, he also strongly defended the part of the Constitution that declared the slaves to be only three-fifths human beings (that provided for the slaves to be counted this way for the purposes of deciding on representation and taxation of the states—Article I, Section 2, 3 of the Constitution).

    In writing this defense, Madison praised "the compromising expedient of the Constitution" which treats the slaves as "inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man." Madison explained: "The true state of the case is that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property.... This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the proper criterion." Madison got to the heart of the matter, the essence of what the U.S. Constitution is all about, when in the course of upholding the decision to treat slaves as three-fifths human beings he agrees with the following principle: "Government is instituted no less for protection of the property than of the persons of individuals."1 Property rights—that is the basis on which outright slavery as well as other forms of exploitation, discrimination, and oppression have been consistently upheld. And over the 200 years that this Constitution has been in force, down to today, despite the formal rights of persons it proclaims, and even though the Constitution has been amended to outlaw slavery where one person actually owns another as property, the U.S. Constitution has always remained a document that upholds and gives legal authority to a system in which the masses of people, or their ability to work, have been used as wealth-creating property for the profit of the few.

    The abolition of slavery through the Civil War meant the elimination of one form of exploitation and the further development and extension of other forms of exploitation. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That?, "despite the efforts of abolitionists and the resistance and revolts of the slaves themselves—and their heroic fighting in the Civil War itself—it was not fought by the Union government in the North, and its president, Lincoln, for the purpose of abolishing the atrocity of slavery in some moral sense.... The Civil War arose out of the conflict between two modes of production, the slave system in the South and the capitalist system centered in the North; this erupted into open antagonism, warfare, when it was no longer possible for these two modes of production to co-exist within the same country."2 The victory of the North over the South in the U.S. Civil War represented the victory of the capitalist system over the slave system. It represented the triumph of the capitalist form of using people as a means of creating wealth. Under a system of outright slavery, the slave is literally the property of the slaveowner. Under capitalism, slavery becomes wage-slavery: The exploited class of workers is not owned by the exploiting class of capitalists (the owners of factories, land, etc.), but the workers are in a position where they must sell their ability to work to a capitalist in order to earn a wage. Capitalism needs a mass of workers that is "free," in a two-fold sense: They must be "free" of all means to live (all means of production), except their ability to work; and they must not be bound to a particular owner, a particular site, a particular guild, etc.—they must be "free" to do whatever work is demanded of them, they must be "free" to move from place to place, and "free" to be hired and fired according to the needs of capital! If they cannot enrich a capitalist through working, then the workers cannot work, they cannot earn a wage. But even if they cannot find a capitalist to exploit their labor, even if they are unemployed, they still remain under the domination of the capitalist class and of the process of capitalist accumulation of wealth—the proletarians (the workers) are dependent on the capitalist class and the capitalist system for their very lives, so long as the capitalist system rules. It is this rule, this system of exploitation, that the U.S. Constitution has upheld and enforced, all the more so after outright slavery was abolished through the Civil War.

    But here is another very important fact: In the concrete conditions of the U.S. coming out of the Civil War, and for some time afterward, wage-slavery was not the only major form of exploitation in force in the U.S. Up until very recently (until the 1950s), millions of Black people were exploited like serfs on Southern plantations, working as sharecroppers and tenant farmers to enrich big landowners (and bankers and other capitalists). A whole system of laws—commonly known as Jim Crow laws—were enforced to maintain this relationship of exploitation and oppression: Black people throughout the South—and really throughout the whole country—were subjected to the open discrimination, brutality, and terror that such laws allowed and encouraged. All this, too, was upheld and enforced by the Constitution and its interpretation and application by the highest political and legal authorities in the U.S. And, over the past several decades, when the great majority of Black people have been uprooted from the land in the South and have moved into the cities of the North (and South), they have still been discriminated against, forcibly segregated, and continually subjected to brutality and terror even while some formal civil rights have been extended to them.

    Once again, this is in accordance with the interests of the ruling capitalist class and capitalist system. It is consistent with the principle enunciated by James Madison: Governments must protect the property no less than the persons of individuals. In fact, what Madison obviously meant—and what the reality of the U.S. has clearly been—is that the government must protect the property of white people, especially the wealthy white people, more than the rights of Black people. It must never be forgotten that for most of their history in what is now the United States of America Black people were the property of white people, particularly wealthy plantation owners. Even after this outright slavery was abolished, Black people have never been allowed to achieve equality with whites: they have been held down, maintained as an oppressed nation, and denied the right of self-determination. Capitalism cannot exist without the oppression of nations, and this is all the more so when capitalism develops into its highest stage: monopoly capitalism-imperialism. If the history of the United States has demonstrated anything, it has demonstrated this.

    The Heritage They Won’t Renounce

    The ruling class of the U.S. today—above all the U.S. imperialists, the large-scale capitalists and international exploiters who dominate the U.S. and most of the world—are indeed, as they proclaim, the direct and worthy descendants of their “Founding Fathers.” And this is why the ruling class and its political representatives, while they feel obliged to say that they are opposed to slavery today (at least in the U.S. itself), solemnly praise and celebrate slave owners and upholders of slavery who were so prominent among the “Founding Fathers” and played so central a part in the establishment of the system in the U.S.: men like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.

    These imperialists will never admit that their “Founding Fathers” established a system of government that, in its very foundation, is based on oppression and exploitation. They will never admit that their Constitution is the legal instrument for enforcing that exploitation and oppression. They cannot admit this, any more than they can admit their much-vaunted wealth and power has been established and built up by stealing land and resources from the native peoples (and Mexico) through extortion and outright murderous means; by trading in human flesh and harnessing human beings in slave labor; by pitilessly exploiting immigrants in their millions as wage-slaves; by robbing and plundering throughout the world, particularly Latin America, Africa, and Asia (what today is generally called the Third World). They cannot acknowledge that, while the forms of slavery have changed, the U.S. has, from the beginning and down to today, remained a society where enslavement, in one form or another, has been at the very heart of the economic system and the very basis of the political structure.

    There are many (including even Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall) who argue that, because of the upholding of slavery in the Constitution—and other injustices, such as excluding women from voting, and the treatment of the Indians—the Constitution was not such a great document when it was written, but it has been made great through the history of the U.S. and the struggles to create a more perfect Union and a more perfect Constitution. In other words, the Constitution may have had defects in some important ways when it was originally conceived, but the miracle of it is that the Constitution has within it provisions for changing and improving it—for extending democracy and rights to those previously excluded. And, some will add, while the Constitution upholds property rights, it also upholds individual and civil rights (even the statement from Madison cited at the beginning of this article stresses that, some might argue). Let’s look more deeply at these questions.

    Extension of the Constitution … Extension of Bourgeois Domination

    The extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them has gone together, in an overall way, with the extension of bourgeois (capitalist) relations and their dominance throughout the U.S. And, at the same time, it has gone hand-in-hand with the continuation of the oppression of Black people, of Native Americans, of Latinos and immigrants from Latin America (and elsewhere), of the oppression of women, and other forms of oppression and exploitation. All this is not in contradiction to but is consistent with the fundamental principles on which the Constitution is based and the way in which it treats the relationship between the rights of property and the rights of individuals.*

    It is noteworthy that the 14th Amendment to the Constitution (echoing the 5th Amendment) has as its pivotal point the provision that no State may “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.” Especially in the period since World War 2, this amendment has been used as a major part of the basis to extend civil rights for Black people, for women, and for others discriminated against. Yet this amendment was passed right after the Civil War, in 1866; and for many decades this amendment was not used to combat racial or sexual discrimination. Instead, “For many years the Supreme Court applied the due-process clause mainly to protect business interests against state regulatory legislation.”3 It was only beginning after World War 1, and more fully after World War 2, that the 14th Amendment was applied in a significant way to the questions of racial and sexual discrimination. Thus, “in a long series of cases” beginning in 1925, the Supreme Court “gradually expanded its definition of due process so as to include most of the guarantees of personal liberties in the Federal Bill of Rights and has protected them from state impairment. A similar development occurred with respect to the equal-protection clause.”4 These changes in Supreme Court decisions were part of larger changes in ruling-class policy. But these resulted not from some brilliant new legal insight, nor from some sudden flash of moral awakening within the ruling class. Rather, they resulted from the changed situation of Black people in U.S. society and, more decisively, from the situation and needs of the ruling imperialists.

    As noted earlier, the masses of Black people have undergone a dramatic change in their particular conditions of existence—and of oppression—in the U.S. This began during and immediately after World War 1 but developed fully during and after World War 2. Demand for labor in war production and other strategic industry, followed after World War 2 by sweeping changes in Southern agriculture—called forth by technological changes and international economic competition—drove millions and millions of Black people from the rural South to the urban ghettos of the North and South, and into the most exploited sections of the proletariat. At the same time, the U.S. imperialists emerged not only victorious but greatly strengthened from world war that devastated those countries which were much more directly and centrally involved. So, after World War 2 U.S. imperialism was everywhere, scooping up the former colonial possessions of the prior colonial powers and establishing U.S. neocolonial domination in the name of freedom and (usually) in the guise of allowing formal independence. In this situation, it was not so necessary—nor was it so helpful—to openly and blatantly treat Black people as “second-class citizens” in the U.S. itself. So, over the period of the next several decades, concessions were made to civil rights demands and struggles at the same time as deception, vicious repression, and the promotion of “loyal and responsible Negro leaders” were carried out to keep things firmly under the control of the ruling class and in the service of its larger interests. Similarly, recent decades have seen political and legal changes that have brought certain extensions of formal rights to women and certain concessions to their battle against oppression. These have corresponded to significant changes in society and the world, including the fact that in only a small percentage of U.S. families is it any longer the case that the family is supported by just the man working. But, again, these concessions have been confined within limits that fundamentally conform to the interests and needs of the ruling class in the face of changing conditions in the U.S. and the world.

    Would anyone dare say that, because of these changes and concessions, inequality and injustice have been eliminated in the U.S.? The fact is, none of this has in any way eliminated, or come close to eliminating, discrimination against Black people, their overall conditions of oppression, their status as an oppressed nation. Nor have the ruling imperialists ceased to oppress the Native Americans—they have never even stopped trying to cheat and rob them of valuable land and resources. Nor have these imperialists ceased to discriminate against and viciously exploit other national minorities and immigrants. Nor, despite the constitutional amendment (the 19th, in 1919) giving them the right to vote and other concessions to “women’s rights,” have women been granted equality—there has been no end to the subjugation and degradation they have been subjected to: The oppression of women remains a foundation stone of U.S. society, as indeed it must so long as a system of class domination and exploitation is in force. Today, 200 years after the U.S. Constitution first took effect, and after all the changes and amendments, no one can seriously and reasonably argue that the various kinds of oppression that I have spoken to here do not exist or are only a minor aspect of the situation. No one can seriously and reasonably argue that they are not a basic and deeply rooted feature of American society.

    The reason for this is rooted in the very reality and nature of the economic system in the U.S. and the political system that upholds and enforces this economic system, including the Constitution as the legal “cement” of the political structure. The fundamental reason why the “extension” of constitutional rights to those previously excluded from them has not put an end to exploitation, inequality, and oppression is this: The essence of the capitalist economic system is not the competition of commodity owners, all vying equally in the marketplace (equal opportunity for all). The essence is the exploitation of labor as wage-labor, the command by capital over labor power (the ability to do work) as a commodity—a unique commodity—that creates wealth through its use.** (As a dockworker told me years ago: No one gets rich working; the only way to get rich is by making other people work for you.) And the essence of the political structure that goes along with and protects this capitalist economic system is not freedom and democracy for all, regardless of wealth and social position. The essence is the dictatorship of the bourgeois class—its monopoly of political power and armed force—over those it dominates in the economic system, especially the proletariat. Thus, the right to vote and other formal rights for the proletariat and other oppressed masses are in no way in fundamental opposition to the economic and political system of capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship.

    Bourgeois Democracy—Bourgeois Dictatorship

    Bourgeois democracy presents itself as classless democracy: It proclaims equality for all. Thus, the U.S. Constitution does not say that different classes of people shall have unequal wealth and power; rather, it sets forth a charter that appears to treat everyone the same, regardless of wealth and social status. Yet there never has been, and never could be, a capitalist society without tremendous differences in wealth and power, without fundamental class divisions and antagonisms. In fact, a capitalist society without these things is not even conceivable. And in reality, democracy in capitalist society can only be bourgeois democracy. This means there is democracy—equal political rights and the power to make fundamental decisions—only among the capitalist class, the ruling class. For the rest, and for the proletariat especially, bourgeois democracy means dictatorship: It means being ruled over by the capitalists, even while being allowed to vote and even while being governed by a Constitution that sets forth laws that are said to be applied, equally, to all. How can this be?

    First, as for voting, as I pointed out in Democracy: Can’t We Do Better Than That?:

    On the most obvious level, to be a serious candidate for any major office in a country like the U.S. requires millions of dollars—a personal fortune or, more often, the backing of people with that kind of money. Beyond that, to become known and be taken seriously depends on favorable exposure in the mass media (favorable at least in the sense that you are presented as within the framework of responsible—that is, acceptable politics)…. By the time “the people express their will through voting,” both the candidates they have to choose among and the “issues” that deserve “serious consideration” have been selected out by someone else: the ruling class….

    Further, and even more fundamentally, to “get anywhere” once elected—both to advance one’s own career and to “get anything done”—it is necessary to fit into the established mold and work within the established structures.5

    But that is not all:

    If, however, the electoral process in bourgeois society does not represent the exercise of sovereignty by the people, it generally does play an important role in maintaining the sovereignty—the dictatorship—of the bourgeoisie and the continuation of capitalist society. This very electoral process itself tends to cover over the basic class relations—and class antagonisms—in society, and serves to give formal, institutionalized expression to the political participation of atomized individuals in the perpetuation of the status quo. This process not only reduces people to isolated individuals but at the same time reduces them to a passive position politically and defines the essence of politics as such atomized passivity—as each person, individually, in isolation from everyone else, giving his/her approval to this or to that option, all of which options have been formulated and presented by an active power standing above these atomized masses of “citizens.”… [T]he very acceptance of the electoral process as the quintessential political act reinforces acceptance of the established order and works against any radical rupture with, to say nothing of the actual overturning of, that order.6

    And let us remember that one of the main reasons for which the U.S. Constitution was “ordained and established,” as proclaimed in its “Preamble,” was to prevent social upheaval and the overturning of the order upheld by that Constitution—to “insure domestic tranquility.”

    The same can be said of the other aspects of bourgeois democracy and the kind of rights set forth in the U.S. Constitution (including its “Bill of Rights”): They have the purpose and function of reinforcing the rule of the bourgeoisie and keeping political activity within limits acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Thus, “the much-vaunted freedom of expression in the ‘democratic countries’ is not in opposition to but is encompassed by and confined within the actual exercise of dictatorship by the bourgeoisie. This is for two basic reasons—because the ruling class has a monopoly on the means of molding public opinion and because its monopoly of armed force puts it in a position to suppress, as violently as necessary, any expression of ideas, as well as any action, that poses a serious challenge to the established order.”7 The history of the U.S., like the history of all other “democratic” bourgeois dictatorships, is full of graphic illustrations of just how true the above-quoted statement is!

    Formal equality—the treatment of all persons as equal, and specifically as “equal before the law,” without regard to wealth or social position—in bourgeois society actually covers over the relationship of complete subordination, exploitation, and oppression to which the proletariat and masses of people are subjected. If a small group—the capitalist class—controls the important means of creating wealth, then in reality they have the power of life and death over those who control little or none of these. To have such power over other people is, in essence, to hold them in an enslaved condition, whether or not the chains are literal and visible. In such a situation—which is the fundamental condition of capitalist society—how can there be anything but profound inequality economically, socially, and politically? And with such a fundamental division, with such fundamental inequality, there can never be anything but exploitation, oppression, domination, and dictatorship.

    With regard to the law, this will manifest itself in two main ways. First, those who dominate society economically will dominate in deciding, through the political structure, what the laws will be. They will insure that the laws serve their interests. And second, the actual application and enforcement of the law will discriminate in favor of those with wealth and power and against those without them—and even more so against oppressed nationalities, women, and others who are “the last of the last” in society. Everyday life in any capitalist society proves this over and over. Thus, once again, as with the right to vote and other constitutional rights in a bourgeois-democratic republic, formal equality before the law expresses itself, in reality, as profound inequality—and more—as something confined within and conforming to bourgeois domination and dictatorship.

    The basic difference between the bourgeoisie’s view of freedom and democracy on the one hand, and the striving of oppressed masses for an end to oppressive conditions on the other hand, is sharply drawn in recent events in Haiti, the Philippines, and South Korea. The oppressed masses (and students and other revolutionary intellectuals) want some kind of fundamental change in the social system and a breaking of the chains of imperialist domination in their countries. But the bourgeois opposition leaders and parties want only the recognition of bourgeois-democratic provisions and procedures—with elections the highest expression of political activity. Most of all, they want the sharing of power more broadly and “equally” among the upper classes—really, they want their chance to hold the reins of power—while leaving the social system and imperialist domination intact. As for the imperialists, where they become convinced of the need for change in such situations, they make every effort to keep it confined within the framework of imperialist domination and bourgeois rule. Indeed, they try to use such situations to strengthen and perhaps “refine” the apparatus of bourgeois politics—and, above all, of repression—in the countries involved.

    This brings us to a most fundamental point that is so often ignored or glossed over in discussions and debates about democracy in countries like the U.S.: The fact is that even the extent to which rights are allowed to the nonruling classes in imperialist countries depends on a situation where, in large parts of the world under imperialist domination, the masses of people are subjected to much more open and murderous repression. In short,

    The platform of democracy in the imperialist countries (worm-eaten as it is) rests on fascist terror in the oppressed nations: the real guarantors of bourgeois democracy in the U.S. are not the constitutional scholar and the Supreme Court justice, but the Brazilian torturer, the South African cop, and the Israeli pilot; the true defenders of the democratic tradition are not on the portraits in the halls of the Western capitols, but are Marcos, Mobutu, and the dozens of generals from Turkey to Taiwan, from South Korea to South America, all put and maintained in power and backed up by the military force of the U.S. and its imperialist partners.8,***

    But, at the same time, the imperialist rulers and ardent worshippers of bourgeois democracy go to great lengths to try to cover over, or explain away, the brutal repression “at home” that is so essential to the functioning of the system and the maintenance of the established order:

    For there is vicious repression and state terror carried out continually—and not only in times of serious crisis or social upheaval—in the imperialist countries; it is carried out specifically against those who do not support but oppose the established order, or who simply cannot be counted on to be pacified by the normal workings of the imperialist system—those whose conditions are desperate and whose life situation is explosive anyway.

    In the U.S. the hundreds of police shootings of oppressed people, particularly Blacks and other minority nationalities, every year; the fact that jails are overwhelmingly filled with poor people, the greatest number again being Black and other minority nationalities—it is an amazing but true statistic that one out of every thirteen Black people in the U.S. will be arrested each year (and Blacks are incarcerated eight and one-half times as frequently as whites)!—and the widespread use of drugs, surgical techniques, and other means to repress and terrorize prisoners (as well as an astounding number of people not in jail, including allegedly recalcitrant children); the use of welfare and other so-called social service agencies to harass and control poor people down to the most intimate details of their personal lives; this, and much more, is part of the daily life experience of millions of people in the major imperialist countries. Along with all this, of course, is the use of the state apparatus for direct political repression….

    In times of severe crisis and social strain, of course, all this is carried out more intensively and extensively…. Already, right now in the U.S., to cite one important aspect of this, hundreds of thousands of immigrants, “illegal” and “legal,” are being subjected to a campaign of terror—including raids at their places of work and homes, the sudden and forcible separation of parents from children, and the deportation of large numbers of refugees back to the waiting arms of death squads and other government assassins in countries like El Salvador. The same kind of thing is also being directed against immigrants in France, West Germany, England, and other imperialist democracies.

    Through all this, while overt political repression by the state is in one sense the clearest indication of the class content of democracy—in the imperialist countries as well as elsewhere—in another sense the daily, and often seemingly arbitrary, terror carried out against the lower strata in these imperialist countries concentrates the connection between the normal workings of the system and the political (that is, class) nature of the state.9

    A New and Far Greater Vision of Freedom

    In the course of this article so far, in speaking to some essential questions concerning the U.S. Constitution and the system it upholds, I have answered some of the main arguments made in defense of this Constitution and this system, including the argument that the Constitution, if not perfect, is perfectible—that it can be continually improved and the rights it establishes can be extended to those previously excluded. Before concluding, I want to briefly address some of the other main arguments made on behalf of—or in defense of—this Constitution and the principles and vision it embodies.

    “This Constitution establishes a law of the land that is applicable to all—it establishes a government of laws, not of people.” This is closely linked to the principle of “equality before the law.” What is meant by “a government of laws, not of people” is that no one is “above the law” and that what is allowed and what is forbidden are set forth before all, in one set of regulations binding on everyone, and this can be changed only through the procedures established for making such changes. A “government of people” refers to a notion of a government where it is the will and the word of certain people—a king, a despot, a small group of tyrants, etc.—that determine what is allowed and what is forbidden, and where this can and will change according to the dictates and the whims of such rulers: There is no common and clearly spelled-out standard binding on all, even on the political leaders and the powerful and influential in society.

    Like all principles of bourgeois democracy, this notion of “a government of laws, not of people” misses and obscures the essential question. First of all,

    “the rule of law” can be part of a dictatorship, of one kind or another, and in the most general sense it always is—even where it may appear that power is exercised without or above the law, laws (in the sense of a systematized code that people in society are obliged to conform to, whether written or unwritten) will still exist and play a part in enforcing the rule of the dominant class. Conversely, all states, all dictatorships, include laws in one form or another.10

    Most fundamentally, the question is: What is the character and the class content of the laws, what system do they uphold and enforce, which class interests do they represent—of which class dictatorship, bourgeois or proletarian, are they the expression and instrument—and toward what end are they contributing—the maintenance of class division and domination, exploitation and oppression, or the final elimination of class divisions, of all oppressive social divisions, and of social antagonisms? In short, the essential question is not “a government of laws vs. a government of people,” it is which people—which class—rules, and what laws are in force, in the service of what ends?

    “‘We The People,’ that is the heart of this Constitution and the genius of this Constitution: It establishes a government of, by and for all the people.” As a matter of historical fact, this opening phrase of the Constitution, “We the people of the United States,” was not the product of some lofty desire by the “framers” of the Constitution to set forth some universal principle of popular sovereignty. It was the product of their desire to overcome the problem of States posing their own sovereignty against that of the Federal Government—and the desire to avoid the specific problem of not knowing which States would ratify the Constitution: “The Preamble of the Articles of Confederation had named all the states in order from north to south. How was the [Constitutional] Convention to enumerate the participating states without knowing which would ratify? In a brilliant flash of inspiration, the Convention began with the words, ‘We the People of the United States…do ordain and establish this Constitution….’”11

    More importantly, the larger historical context and the actual content of this proclamation—“We The People”—must be made clear. The founding of the United States of America as an independent country represented not just the breaking away from domination by a foreign power. It also meant breaking away from a form of government that vested great power in the person of the monarchy—even while it ultimately served the interests of the bourgeoisie and the landed “nobility.” In general, the rights and the restrictions of power established in the Constitution of the newly founded United States revolved around preventing arbitrary rule by despots and the concentration of too much power in one person or one part of the government. The “separation of powers” and the “checks and balances” of different branches of government was seen as a way of insuring that the government would serve the interests of the capitalist class and (at that time) the slaveowners as a whole. It is in this light that “We the people of the United States,” in the “Preamble” of the Constitution, must be understood. Obviously, “We the people of the United States” did not include all those who were expressly excluded from the process of selecting the government and endorsing the Constitution. For, “Even on the most obvious level, how could the government of the newly formed United States, for example, be considered to have derived its powers ‘from the consent of the governed’ when, at the time of the formation of the United States of America, a majority of the people ‘governed’—included slaves, Indians, women, men who did not meet various property requirements, and others—did not even have the right to vote…to say nothing of the real power to govern and determine the direction of society?”12

    Bourgeois ruling classes generally speak in the name of the people, all the people. From their standpoint, it may make a certain amount of sense: They do, after all, rule over the masses of people. But from a more basic and more objective standpoint, their claim to represent all the people is a deception. If it was a deception at the time of the founding of the United States and the adoption of its Constitution, it is all the more so now. For now the rule of the capitalists is in fundamental antagonism with the interests of the great majority of people, not just in a particular country, but all over the world. Now the decisive question is not overcoming economic and political obstacles to the development of capitalism and its corresponding political system. The time when that was on the historical agenda is long since passed. What is now on the historical agenda is the overthrow of capitalism and the final elimination of all systems of exploitation, all oppressive social relations, all class distinctions, through the revolution of the exploited class under capitalism, the proletariat.

    To get a very stark sense of just how historically conditioned—how long since outmoded and completely reactionary—are the interests and the paramount concerns of the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants, the ruling imperialists of today, let us consider the fact that, in writing their Constitution, Madison and others "For theoretical inspiration...leaned heavily on Locke and on Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws. Both writers had insisted on the need for separation of powers in order to prevent tyranny; in Montesquieu's view even the representatives of the people in the legislature could not be trusted with unlimited power."13 In reading over Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws I could not help but be struck by how thoroughly his frame of reference is that of a bygone age and his outlook that of exploiting classes whose period of historical ascendancy is long since past. As a glaring illustration, consider the following:

    If I had to justify our right to enslave Negroes, this is what I would say: Since the peoples of Europe have exterminated those of America, they have had to enslave those of Africa in order to use them to clear and cultivate such a vast expanse of land.

    Sugar would be too expensive if it weren't harvested by slaves.

    Those in question are black from the tip of their toes to the top of their heads; and their noses so flattened that it is almost impossible to feel sorry for them.

    It is inconceivable that God, who is a very wise being, could have placed a soul, especially a good soul, in an all-black body....

    One proof of the fact that Negroes don't have any common sense is that they get more excited about a string of glass beads than about gold, which, in civilized countries, is so dearly prized.

    It is impossible that these people are men; because if we thought of them as men, one would begin to think that we ourselves are not Christians.14,****

    Let the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants draw theoretical inspiration from the likes of Montesquieu! Let them defend slavery and modern-day exploitation on the ground of property rights, taking their lead from the likes of James Madison, the main author of the Constitution. As for the proletariat, our goal is "Marx's view of the complete abolition of bourgeois property relations—and all relations in which human beings confront each other as owners (or non-owners) of property rather than through conscious and voluntary association."15

    For the exploiting classes, and in a system under their rule, the "bottom line" is to reduce the masses of people to mere wealth-creating property—and today, under the domination of the imperialists, the greatest of all exploiters, the mass of humanity is treated as merely a means to amass even greater wealth and power in the hands of, and for the profit of, so few. And at what cost! This cost must be measured in massive human suffering, degradation, and destruction. Imagine the even greater cost in human suffering, degradation, and destruction that will have to be paid unless and until the oppressed and exploited victims of this system, who are the great majority of humanity, rise up and overthrow this system and finally put an end to all social relations of exploitation and oppression.

    In conclusion, The Constitution of the United States is an exploiters' vision of freedom. It is a charter for a society based on exploitation, on slavery in one form or another. The rights and freedoms it proclaims are subordinate to and in the service of the system of exploitation it upholds. This Constitution has been and continues to be applied in accordance with this vision and with the interests of the ruling class of this system: In its application it has become more and more fully the instrument of bourgeois domination, dictatorship, oppression, conquest, and plunder.

    Our answer is clear to those who argue: Even if The Constitution of the United States is not perfect, it is the best that has been devised—it sets a standard to be striven for. Our answer is: Why should we aim so low, when we have The Communist Manifesto to set a far higher standard of what humanity can strive for—and is capable of achieving—a far greater vision of freedom.*****

     

    NOTES

    1. Quotes from James Madison are from the Federalist Paper No. 54 in The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961), pp. 336-341, especially pp. 339 and 337. [back]

    2. Bob Avakian, Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (Chicago: Banner Press, 1986), pp. 110-11. [back]

    3. Edward Conrad Smith, editor, The Constitution of the United States with Case Summaries (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1979), p. 18. All citations in this article are from the essay “The Origins of the Constitution.” [back]

    4. Ibid., pp. 18-19. [back]

    5. Avakian, Democracy, p. 69. [back]

    6. Ibid, p. 70. [back]

    7. Ibid, p. 71. [back]

    8. Lenny Wolff, The Science of Revolution: An Introduction (Chicago: RCP Publications, 1983), p. 184. [back]

    9. Avakian, Democracy, pp. 137-39. [back]

    10. Ibid., pp. 233-34. [back]

    11. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 12. [back]

    12. Avakian, Democracy, p. 100. [back]

    13. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 13. [back]

    14. Charles Montesquieu, De L'Esprit Des Lois, Paris: Garnier, 1927, livre 15, chapitre 5, "De L'Esclavage Des Negres" (The Spirit of the Laws, book 15, chapter 5, "On the Enslavement of Negroes"), my translation. [back]

    15. Avakian, Democracy, p. 212. [back]

    Added Notes by the Author, Spring 2023

    * A major factor underlying this “extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them” has—especially since the second half of the 20th century—been the increasing globalization of the capitalist-imperialist economy, a worldwide system of exploitation ensnaring literally billions of people, and in particular super-exploitation of masses of people, including more than 150 million children, in the Third World of Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The relationship of this worldwide exploitation, and super-exploitation, to the situation in the U.S. itself—particularly with regard to the economic structure and social and class relations within this country—is analyzed in depth in the paper by Raymond Lotta Imperialist Parasitism and Class-Social Recomposition in the U.S. From the 1970s to Today: An Exploration of Trends and Changes, which is available at revcom.us. The political dimensions of this are explored in my article Imperialist Parasitism and “Democracy”: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of “Their” Imperialism (also available at revcom.us), where the following is made clear:

    [T]his imperialist plunder provides the material basis for a certain stability, at least in “normal times” in the imperialist “home country” (with the U.S. a prime example of this). This relative stability, in turn, makes it possible for the ruling class to allow a certain amount of dissent and political protest—so long as this remains within the confines of, or at least does not significantly threaten, the “law and order” that serves and enforces the fundamental interests of this ruling class.

    At the same time, as sharply demonstrated in mass uprisings which do call into question that “law and order” and/or defy allegiance to the imperialist interests of this system—such as the mass outpouring against police terror in 2020, and urban rebellions and mass opposition to the Vietnam war in the 1960s—the rulers of this country will frequently respond to such opposition with severe repression and murderous retribution.  For example, the city of Wilmington, in Biden’s home state of Delaware, was placed under martial law for months during the 1960s upsurge against the oppression of Black people, and a number of members of the Black Panther Party, most prominently Fred Hampton, were murdered by police, along with many Black people taking part in urban uprisings in that period, while militant mass resistance against the Vietnam war and rebellions among middle class youth and students were in some cases subjected to a vicious, and at times murderous, response by police and National Guard troops.

    It should never be forgotten, or overlooked, that the “law and order” that enforces this relative stability has included the regular murder of Black people, as well as Latinos, by police—resulting in the fact that the number of Black people who have been killed by police in the years since 1960 is greater than the thousands of Black people who were lynched during the period of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, before the 1960s. It should also not be overlooked that the U.S. has the highest rate of mass incarceration of any country in the world, with Black people and Latinos particularly subjected to this mass incarceration. [back]

    ** The point here, as emphasized in my work Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summary, is that the essence of the capitalist economy, and the source of capitalist “wealth” and “economic growth,” is not a bunch of capitalist entrepreneurs and their “innovation,” or their “entrepreneurial genius.” It is the exploitation by the capitalists (the bourgeoisie) of wage-workers (the proletariat). This is different than the question of what is the driving force compelling the capitalists to continue to intensify the exploitation of the proletariat and to continually find new means of doing so. As also pointed out in Breakthroughs:

    Engels, in Anti-Dühring, discussed the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism between socialized production and private appropriation. He pointed out that the working out of this contradiction assumes two different forms of motion that go into the dynamic process of this fundamental contradiction’s motion. Those two forms of motion are, on the one hand, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat that it exploits, and the other form of motion that Engels identified, importantly, is the contradiction between organization and anarchy, the organization of production on the level of, say, an enterprise—which may be highly organized, with lots of calculations going into it, market estimates and all kinds of things, and may be very tightly organized in terms of how the actual process of production is carried out on the level of the particular capitalist corporation, and so on—while, at the same time, this is in contradiction to the anarchy of production and of exchange in the society as a whole (or today in the world as a whole, today more than ever in the world as a whole). So you have these two forms of motion—and I’ll come back later to a crucial distinguishing aspect of the new communism: the importance of identifying the second form of motion of this fundamental contradiction, that is, the anarchy/organization contradiction, or the driving force of anarchy, as overall the principal and most essential form of the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism....

    In this regard, in the article “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” Raymond Lotta cited this statement of mine:

    anarchic relations between capitalist producers, and not the mere existence of propertyless proletarians or the class contradiction as such, that drives these producers to exploit the working class on an historically more intensive and extensive scale. This motive force of anarchy is an expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production represents the full development of commodity production and the law of value.

    And then there is this very important passage:

    Were it not the case that these capitalist commodity producers are separated from each other and yet linked by the operation of the law of value they would not face the same compulsion to exploit the proletariat—the class contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat could be mitigated. It is the inner compulsion of capital to expand which accounts for the historically unprecedented dynamism of this mode of production, a process which continually transforms value relations and which leads to crisis.

    (Breakthroughs is available at revcom.us; and the article by Raymond Lotta referred to here, “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” can be found in the online theoretical journal Demarcations, Issue Number 3.) [back]

    *** As noted in “Imperialist Parasitism and ‘Democracy’: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of ‘Their’ Imperialism”:

    Some of the mass murderers in other countries who today play such a crucial role in serving the interests of U.S. imperialism throughout the world, and in making possible the maintenance of bourgeois democracy in this country itself (worm-eaten as it is indeed), are the same as they were 40 years ago, and some are different—but the essential reality remains that the “platform of democracy” in this country rests on fascist terror, along with ruthless exploitation, in the oppressed nations of the Third World (Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia). [back]

    **** In relation to this statement by Montesquieu—and more generally his views on slavery—I am reproducing here the following “A Note from Bob Avakian: On Montesquieu, Slavery and the U.S. Constitution,” which appeared in Revolution #037, March 5, 2006, posted at revcom.us:

    Recently, Revolution ran an excerpt from a pamphlet I wrote, which was originally published in 1987, U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom. In that excerpt, there is a quote from De L'Esprit Des Lois (or, in English, "The Spirit of the Laws") by Charles Montesquieu, an 18th–century French philosopher, who was one of the sources of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and in particular the theory of the separation of powers that is incorporated in that Constitution. The quote from this work of Montesquieu's, which was published in 1748, is one in which he recites an extreme and grotesquely racist justification for "the enslavement of the Negroes." In relation to this, it is not infrequently argued that Montesquieu was being ironic here, and deliberately overstating this argument, in order to, in effect, polemicize against the enslavement of African people, and that in general Montesquieu's writings express opposition to slavery. But the reality is not so simple as this, nor does this reflect what Montesquieu was essentially seeking to do in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws." It can be said that in "The Spirit of the Laws" Montesquieu's position is one of general opposition to slavery, and he indicates that slavery is not appropriate in countries like France; but, at the same time, he speaks to various circumstances in which he believes slavery can be justified or reasonable. For example, he argues that in the parts of the world, in particular the southern regions, where the climate is warmer, this climate makes people lazy (indolent), and slavery may be justified in order to get them to work (and he argues that in a despotic country, where people's political rights are already repressed, slavery may not be worse for people in that condition).

    This, and the general discussion of slavery that makes up this part (book 15) of "The Spirit of the Laws," is included in a broader discussion by Montesquieu on the nature of different societies and governments in different countries and parts of the world (this is found not only in book 15 but also books 14 and 16 of "The Spirit of the Laws") in which Montesquieu argues that geography and in particular climate plays a big part in determining the nature of different peoples and the character of their society and governing system. And it is important to understand that, although in this discussion Montesquieu makes logical refutation of certain arguments, including certain defenses of slavery, this is not a polemic for or against slavery, or other forms of government, and its character is not that of moral argumentation, so much as it is an attempt to explain why various practices, and various forms of society and government, have existed (and in some cases continue to exist) in various places.

    Another way to put this is that what Montesquieu is doing, in these parts of "The Spirit of the Laws" (and generally in this work), is attempting to make a kind of materialist analysis of these phenomena, including slavery in many places where it has existed—although it must be emphasized that this is not a thoroughly scientific, dialectical materialism but instead a rather crude and vulgar materialism which is marked, and marred, by a considerable amount of determinism: it is a kind of mechanical materialism that argues for a direct and straight-line (linear) connection between things like geography and climate and the character of society and government. It is a kind of materialism that does not adequately and accurately characterize the real motive forces in the development of human society, and in fact this kind of vulgar materialism has often been used to justify various forms of oppression, including colonial and imperialist domination. While we can, and should, recognize that, in the circumstances and time in which he wrote—about 250 years ago—there are aspects of what Montesquieu was seeking to do that were new and represented a break with the suffocating and obfuscating feudal outlook and conventions, it is very important to understand how Montesquieu's outlook and method were marked, and limited, by the social, and international, relations of which they were ultimately an expression: relations in which one part of society, and of the world, dominates and exploits others. And that is the basic point that was being emphasized in relation to Montesquieu and the U.S. Constitution, in the pamphlet U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom.

    With regard to the specific passage that was cited in U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom, "on the enslavement of the Negroes," there is, in fact, some reason to accept that Montesquieu does not actually agree with the justification for this enslavement that he summarizes, and that he is actually subjecting this kind of justification to some ironic and satirical treatment. A reasonable interpretation of Montesquieu's arguments, as he goes on in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws" (book 15), is that this kind of argument, about the non-human character of the Negroes, is not a valid argument, not one that actually justifies this enslavement. But then he does go on to explore the question of what might actually be reasonable justifications, in certain circumstances, for slavery; and, as spoken to above, he finds such justifications in situations such as those where there is a despotic government, or where—as he concludes, through an application of vulgar and determinist materialism—the warm climate makes people lazy and unwilling, on their own initiative, to work.

    Thus, in looking into and reflecting on this further, I would say that, while it is important to understand the complexity and nuance of what Montesquieu writes here—and it can be said that the way in which I cited Montesquieu in writing this pamphlet on the U.S. Constitution does not really or fully do that—it is not the case that what Montesquieu was doing here was actually making a case against the enslavement of the Negroes, or against slavery in general. Once again, it is important to keep in mind the fact that, although he was opposed to slavery on general principle, and declared that it was a good thing that it had been eliminated in his home country, France, and more generally in Europe, Montesquieu did not think slavery was wrong, or without justification, in all circumstances. And it also seems that Montesquieu did not hesitate to invest in companies involved in the slave trade. In this, there is a parallel with John Locke, the English philosopher and political theorist, who, as I pointed out in this same pamphlet (U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom), was also a major influence in the conception of the U.S. Constitution. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (p. 29):

    "In sum, the society of which Locke was a theoretical exponent, as well as a practical political partisan, was a society based on wage-slavery and capitalist exploitation. And it is not surprising that, while he was opposed to slavery in England itself, he not only defended the institution of slavery, under certain circumstances, in the Second Treatise, but turned a not insignificant profit himself in the slave trade and helped to draw up the charter for a government headed by a slave-owning aristocracy in one of the American colonies. For as Marx sarcastically summarized: ‘The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production.’" [back]

    ***** In the years since the writing of this article, I have devoted considerable work to the development of what is meant by this “far greater vision of freedom”—what it would mean “in real life.” One very important result of this is the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which provides both a sweeping vision and a concrete blueprint for a radically different and emancipating society and world. This Constitution is available at revcom.us. [back]

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