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Articles in this issue (scroll down or click to read article below):

  • Revcom.us editorial

    Fascist ICE Gestapo Murders in Cold Blood.Trump Fascism Threatens the World.The Time Has Come to Draw the Line—Trump Must Go Now!
  • ICE Shoots and Kills a Woman in Minneapolis
  • NEW from the Revcom Corps

    AMERICA FIRSTTHE WHOLE WORLD COMES FIRST!
  • Venezuela: The Huge Stakes for the World... And the Challenge to You
  • Trump Declares Full Control of VenezuelaThis Fascist Imperialist Gangster Must Be StoppedA Better World Is Possible—And Needs to Be Fought For
  • Venezuela: The Bald-Faced Lies of Stephen Miller—and the Profound Truth Those Lies Cannot Hide
  • From Revolutionary Communist Group, Colombia:

    U.S. Out of Venezuela! The Imperialists Are Not the Solution, They Are the Problem!
  • Digging into the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, by Bob Avakian

    How Would the Revolution Deal with Relations with Other Countries?
  • Fascist Trump and Netan-Nazi Meet at Mar-a-Lago: Signal New Leap in Genocide in Gaza and Israeli Onslaught on the Middle East
  • From Osyan:

    To Trump and the Mossad: Hands Off Iran!To the People of Iran: We Will Overthrow the Islamic Republic Ourselves!
  • VIDEO:

    Trump doesn't care about the people of Iran! This is about U.S. Imperialism!
  • SAVE THE DATETuesday, February 3Dreams in Dark TimesA benefit for The Bob Avakian Instituteat Revolution Books, NYC
  • From RefuseFascism.org:

    The People’s Indictment of Donald Trump: A Unified Declaration of Illegitimacy
  • Check It Out: Cover-Up Documentary
  • As We Close Out 2025, Dig Into and Spread Bob Avakian's Work: Clarity and Hope on a Scientific Foundation
  • Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead
  • Warning for the Decent People Who Oppose Trump/MAGA Fascism: Don't Fall for Dishonest Divide-and-Conquer Schemes

    The Revcoms reply to Kristofer Goldsmith’s lies about Refuse Fascism, the Revcoms and the Revolutionary Leader Bob Avakian

  • In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the MovementThe Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today
  • “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 
  • What If People Had Listened?THE TRUMP/PENCE REGIME MUST GO!In the Name of HumanityWe REFUSE to Accept a Fascist AmericaA Better World IS Possible
  • U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)
  • Hugo Chavez Has an Oil Strategy...But Can This Lead to Liberation?
  • ARTICLE:

    Revcom.us editorial

    Fascist ICE Gestapo 
    Murders in Cold Blood.

    Trump Fascism Threatens the World.

    The Time Has Come to Draw the Line—Trump Must Go Now!

    Every day this is driven home more and more forcefully and cruelly: There is no living with this Trump/MAGA fascism—it must be removed from power before it commits even more horrific atrocities and forcibly shuts down any real possibility of resistance. 

    —Bob Avakian, REVOLUTION #141: 
    The Time Is Urgently Upon Us Now — 
    To Drive Out The Trump Fascist Regime!

    Yes, “forcefully and cruelly” in this first week of the new year, beginning with the murderous and illegal kidnapping of the head of state of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro along with his wife—which was followed by an orgy of flexing and threats against other sovereign nations. 

    Then, today, lawless ICE gestapo murdered a 37-year-old woman, Renee Nicole Good, for the “crime” of observing their activity on a Minnesota street and then seeming to try to drive away from them when they went after her. The fascist regime is openly lying about what happened. This was not "self-defense," this was an illegitimate cold-blooded murder.

    If this regime is able to get away with killing bystanders in cold blood, on top of kidnapping immigrants, on top of violating and threatening the sovereignty of other nations, this will represent another leap in the consolidation of fascism. At what point does it become too late?!? This must be opposed by every decent person who—in the name of humanity, refuses to accept a fascist America! 

    This murder comes on top of weeks of crude agitation by Trump, Stephen Miller, Noem and the rest of this thug regime about Somali immigrants in Minneapolis—rabble-rousing and demagogy that was on the level of Adolf Hitler. This comes on top of flooding Minneapolis with what amounts to an occupying army of 2,000 ICE thugs. 

    This outrage has to be met with mass protest! Mass nonviolent protest and resistance of people who say NO MORE and mean it. Street demonstrations in city centers. Teach-ins, mass debates and school walkouts. Vigils and marches in communities. Acting and not stopping with the demand ICE MUST GO AND THE WHOLE TRUMP FASCIST REGIME MUST GO WITH IT!!!

    This outrage has to be met with unity—uniting all who can be united to oppose this fascist enemy, while airing and working through differences with the largest unifying goal in mind: drive out the Trump fascist regime.

    This outrage has to be met with questioning—digging into the dynamics of the system that has given rise to this fascism, and so many other horrors. Digging into what must be done to overcome it. This means first of all getting into the works of the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian, @BobAvakianOfficial and on revcom.us, about this fascism, about the revolution we need, and about the whole other way we could be living.

    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY, WE REFUSE TO ACCEPT A FASCIST AMERICA!
    THIS WHOLE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN AND ILLEGITIMATE—WE DEMAND A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM!
    @BobAvakianOfficial Revolution #141: The Time Is Urgently Upon Us Now—To Drive Out The Trump Fascist Regime!

     

  • ARTICLE:

    ICE Shoots and Kills a Woman in Minneapolis

    Renee Nicole Good, murdered by ICE agent in Minneapolis January 7, 2026

     

    Renee Nicole Good, murdered by ICE agent in Minneapolis January 7, 2026    (Provided by Timmy Ray Macklin Sr.)

    This morning, ICE agents carrying out one of their gestapo operations in a Minneapolis neighborhood shot and killed a woman in a car. Renee Nicole Good was 37 years old, a U.S. citizen, and one of the “community observers” opposing the ICE action.

    The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) claimed “rioters” began blocking ICE agents, and that one of those protesters “weaponized” her car, aiming it at the agents, and an officer fired “defensive shots.” They called her a "domestic terrorist." Trump backed up this justification for the killing in a social media post, and called the victim a “professional agitator.” But as local news station KARE 11 reported, “Numerous video posts circulating on social media are... challenging the DHS narrative, however, with several graphic videos showing the interaction between the vehicle and agents and the moment shots are fired before the vehicle crashes. A witness told KARE 11 that the victim was trying to flee from ICE agents when she was shot dead.” 

    Jacob Frey, Minneapolis mayor, said, “They are already trying to spin this as an action of self defense. Having seen the video myself, I wanna tell everybody directly, that is bullshit."

    This is not the first time ICE has fired at people protesting them. In Chicago in October, ICE goons shot a woman who was part of a protest “caravan” tailing them as they carried out their criminal attacks on immigrants. ICE then claimed she had tried to ram their agent—when, in fact, the agent’s body cam footage showed that the woman did not threaten the agent. In fact, the footage shows him screaming at her, “Do something bitch,” and then pulling over and shooting her five times!

    And across the country, these armed thugs are carrying out the Trump fascist regime’s campaign of mass terror and brutality against immigrants, and anyone coming to their support, in city after city. This morning’s shooting in Minneapolis comes in the midst of the latest ICE “surge”—2,000 ICE agents mobilized in what DHS calls its biggest operation yet. This ICE “surge” in Minneapolis, which has the largest concentration of people of Somalian descent in the U.S., comes in the wake of Trump’s declaration that all Somali immigrants should be deported, calling them “garbage” and saying they should “go back to where they came from” and that “their country is no good for a reason.”

    According to another local news report, “A large throng of protesters gathered at the scene after the shooting, where they vented their anger at the local and federal officers who were there, including Gregory Bovino, a senior U.S. Customs and Border Patrol official who has been the face of crackdowns in Los Angeles, Chicago and elsewhere.” Mayor Frey said, "We are demanding ICE leave the city and state immediately. We stand rock solid with our immigrant and refugee communities."

    This cold-blooded ICE murder must be met with condemnation and protest across the country. And this latest ICE gestapo outrage puts even more urgency to the demand: Trump Fascist Regime Must Go NOW!

  • ARTICLE:

    NEW from the Revcom Corps

    AMERICA FIRST

    THE WHOLE WORLD COMES FIRST!

    U.S. OUT OF VENEZUELA!

    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY, WE REFUSE TO ACCEPT A FASCIST AMERICA!

    THIS WHOLE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN AND ILLEGITIMATE! WE NEED AND WE DEMAND:
    A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM!

    6 points from The Revcom Corps For The Emancipation Of Humanity

    1. The U.S. government is waging an illegal war of aggressionmurdering civilians on fishing boats with no due process and now attacking Venezuela and kidnapping the president! Illegal according to domestic law, because they didn’t seek approval from Congress. And illegal according to international law, because it is an unprovoked attack against a sovereign country. Their justifications (“narcoterrorism,” “they stole our oil,” etc.) are blatant lies. Those of us living in the U.S., the belly of the beast, have a special responsibility to STOP the crimes of “our” government.
    2. What the fascist trump regime is doing to Venezuela is a continuation of the long history of U.S. domination of Latin America, and it is a dangerous leap to an even more aggressive and undisguised form of rule, based on raw destructive power without even the pretense of concern for the rule of law. Trump talks about “owning” Greenland,” “running” Venezuela, and “taking” the oil. He threatens military attacks on Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Iran and others. He labels anti-fascists as “domestic terrorists” and threatens to kill congresspeople who remind troops of their duty to disobey illegal orders. This is fascism: extreme repression against the masses of people, and even against rivals within the ruling class. It must be defeated before it fully consolidates. Trump must go now!
    3. Now is the time to confront the ugly truth about the U.S. and its role in the world. When was America great? NEVER! Not at its founding in slavery and genocide. And not during the last 100+ years when it has been an imperialist power, murdering, raping, and plundering all over the globe. The U.S. has never been a force for good in the world. Don’t believe us? Read this.
    4. The system responsible for these crimes is capitalism-imperialism. Capitalism is a system based on exploitation and driven by competition. Imperialism is when that system spreads its tentacles throughout the world, with a small number of rich countries super-exploiting people in poor countries and competing with each other for world domination. This leads to war and destruction on a massive scale. Since World War 2 the U.S. has been #1 imperialist predator, but now is facing growing challenges from Russia and China (China is now the main trading partner in South America and buys 80% of Venezuela’s oil).
    5. We don’t have to live this way! In the world today we have the wealth and technology to meet the material and cultural needs of everyone on the planet. But under the current system that wealth and technology is owned by a tiny class of capitalist exploiters and enforced by police and militaries. With a real revolution that breaks the stranglehold of these oppressors over society, we could begin to use these resources for the benefit of humanity, to overcome global inequalities and address the environmental crisis. As one expression of this, the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, written by Bob Avakian, clearly states that the new socialist government will dismantle the vast network of U.S. imperialist military bases throughout the world and renounce all wars of aggression and occupation. Lift your sights! Read & spread this.
    6. This is a rare time when revolution is more possibleAs the fascist Trump regime rips up the old norms that people have been conditioned to accept, this is beginning to cause all kinds of chaos and force people to question the way things have been, and whether they have to stay that way. In this situation, the forces for the revolution could grow, quickly, from small numbers to thousands, and then millions, and get in position to go for the whole thing. Now’s the time to learn about and join the Revcom Corps for the Emancipation of Humanity.

     

    “We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.”
     –@BobAvakianOfficial

  • ARTICLE:

    Venezuela: The Huge Stakes for the World... And the Challenge to You

    Smoke raises at La Carlota airport after explosions in Caracas, Venezuela, January 3, 2026.

     

    Smoke rises at La Carlota airport in Caracas, Venezuela after U.S. attack, January 3, 2026.    Photo: AP

    In an illegal act of war, the U.S. kidnapped the Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro early Saturday morning, along with his wife. American troops dragged them to New York, and the government is proceeding to charge them Monday morning. U.S. troops killed 80 Venezuelans in the raid to kidnap Maduro.

    Trump with Rubio and Miller: Operation Absolute Resolve, January 3, 2026.

     

    Trump and his fascist minions overseeing the illegal invasion in Venezuela, January 3, 2026.     Photo: @WhiteHouse PD

    Trump insisted in his Saturday press conference that the U.S. “would run Venezuela” and “take back the oil that frankly we should have taken back a long time ago.” (In fact, according to international law, this oil is Venezuela’s, and we have made clear on this site how the U.S. illegitimately plundered that oil in the first place.) On Sunday, Rubio said that the U.S. would actually work through elements in the current government, though he maintained the gangster claim on the oil. In this same period, Trump has threatened Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Iran and Greenland with aggressive action of one kind and another—he even threatened the vice-president of Venezuela, Delcy Rodriguez, whom he had put forward the day before as someone he planned to work with. To say the situation is uncertain and potentially explosive would be an understatement. There is much that is unknown right now… and much that is very dangerous.

    What we do know is that the illegitimate Trump fascist regime has continued its utterly lawless aggression against Venezuela. This began in the fall when they began murdering people in boats, killing at least 120 people at sea so far. It went on as they illegally stonewalled Congress about these murders (preventing Congress from gaining information that they had a legal right and responsibility to). It has now continued with the murder of 80 more people in the raid to get Maduro. It comes on top of the murder of tens of thousands since 2017 through U.S. “economic sanctions” against Venezuela—that is, embargos on crucial goods, etc.

    Chicago protest against attack on Venezuela, January 3, 2026.

     

    Chicago protest against attack on Venezuela, January 3, 2026.    Photo: @refusefascismchi

    What we also know is that once you say that you will run another country… once you land troops there… once you do that in a place that just a month earlier you said was key to your strategy to maintain world domination (Latin America)1… it is not so easy to pull yourself out of it. This is a lesson of the war against Iraq launched by the George W. Bush administration. Over a million people died regionwide as a result of that war,2 and many suffered terribly and needlessly for the sake of U.S. imperial interests. And the fact is that today—with the nuclear rivalry between the superpowers much more intense than it was 20 years ago and with Trump, an even more fanatical fascist than Bush, now in the White House—the situation is exponentially more dangerous. 

    As revolutionary leader Bob Avakian has said, “We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    Hands off Venezuela! Rafael Kadaris from THE REVCOM CORPS For The Emancipation Of Humanity, January 3 outside the White House.

    Andy Zee, speaks for Refuse Fascism in front of the White House at emergency rally to protest Trump's illegal invasion of Venezuela, January 3, 2026.

    We also know that masses of people in this country do not understand what they need to understand about this country and what it does all over the world and why it does it. This must be transformed into a teachable moment in which people are led to see the huge stakes for the masses of people in Venezuela, in the other threatened countries, in the U.S. itself and everywhere in the world… in which people come to see the source of the problem is the system of capitalism-imperialism that runs this country… and in which they are led to see the real chance for a way out—an actual, liberating revolution based on the new communism developed by Bob Avakian, and the need to mount powerful struggle now against the outrages of this system, including the need to unite all who can be united to defeat Trump MAGA fascism.

    We will be covering this aggression in the next period—including as this week goes on—with the aim of providing materials to enable people to begin to see that. To those hundreds who came out in a few dozen U.S. cities this past weekend, good—but you must multiply, and you will need to wage struggle with others to do so. The speech from Rafael Kadaris provides a good model for arguments that you can make, and other materials on this site provide you with facts and understanding to help make the case. In addition, you can sign up for our Zoom on Thursday night, which will focus on Venezuela.

    Join a Zoom discussion of the Trump regime's fascist moves against Venezuela (Jan 8, 2026 8:00 PM Eastern Time).

    The Bob Avakian Interviews 2025, Part 1: On Fascism, Capitalism, & the Way Out of the Madness

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. For more on this strategy, see December 15, 2025 revcom.us article, A Strategy for a Fascist America Dominating the Planet. [back]

    2. See the study from Brown University’s Watson School for International and Public Affairs: How Death Outlives War: The Reverberating Impact of the Post-9/11 Wars on Human Health , May 15, 2023. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Trump Declares Full Control of Venezuela

    This Fascist Imperialist Gangster Must Be Stopped

    A Better World Is Possible—And Needs to Be Fought For

    U.S. OUT OF VENEZUELA
    TRUMP MUST GO NOW!
    In the Name of Humanity, We Refuse to Accept a Fascist America!
    This Whole System Is Rotten and Illegitimate. 
    We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System!
    Screengrabs from videos of U.S. bombing of Caracas, Venezuela

     

    January 3, 2026: The U.S. turned the power off in parts of Venezuela’s capital city and bombed two military bases, a naval port and an airport.   

    In an outrageous, unprecedented and fascist gangster press conference, Trump declared that the U.S. is "going to run" the sovereign nation of Venezuela. This came hours after the U.S. sent their military in the dark of night to kidnap the Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro. The U.S. turned the power off in parts of Venezuela's capital city, Caracas, and bombed two military bases, a naval port and an airport.

    The criminal fascist thug Donald Trump is claiming the "right" to take over an independent country of 30 million people—maybe for years! He said that "for a period of time, the people that are standing right behind me. We're going to be running it." The people standing behind him were the fascist yes-men, Marco Rubio, General Dan Caine and dark ages Christian fascist nutcase Pete Hegseth.

    Join a Zoom discussion of the Trump regime's fascist moves against Venezuela (Jan 8, 2026 8:00 PM Eastern Time).

    Three points on why this is happening, and what the people in the U.S. must urgently understand and do to stop this:

    1. In an illegal and illegitimate violation of international law and the sovereignty of the Venezuelan people, the fascist Trump said the U.S. would be directly controlling Venezuela, with U.S. oil companies seizing control of Venezuela's vast natural resources:

    As everyone knows, the oil business in Venezuela has been a bust, a total bust for a long period of time. They were pumping almost nothing by comparison to what they could have been pumping and what could have taken place. We're going to have our very large United States oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country. 

    Who the fuck is the U.S. to be invading a foreign country because they're not "exploiting their own oil" in the way Trump see fit?! This is the American gangsters trying to violently enforce the idea that the U.S. has the "right" to wage wars, murder civilians, and violate international law if it sees it is in their imperialist interests. They are doing so based on easily refutable lies of drug smuggling or stealing "America's oil"—oil that just happens to be under Venezuelan soil! As for the idea that “this is our [that is, the U.S.’s] oil,” go here for an understanding of gangsterish way that the U.S. came to dominate the oil industry in Venezuela, what that has meant for the people of Venezuela, and why in fact the U.S. has NO legitimate claim on this oil.

    In addition to violating international law, Trump is violating U.S. law by waging a war without congressional oversight! They are trying to legitimize war crimes because "we say they're legal." And they've been doing this for months—killing over 100 civilians in international waters with no due process!

    The fascist regime is also moving to crush all protest and dissent against it inside the U.S., labeling anti-fascists as “domestic terrorists.” Everyone should stay attuned and be ready to oppose further leaps in repression, now in the context of war.

    As the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian wrote months ago: 

    Trump fascism is a regime that openly and aggressively strips away basic rights and blatantly declares that there is no rule of law and due process of law other than what it dictates, and that raw destructive power is what must rule in the international arena, without even the pretense of adherence to international law or concern about the sovereignty, or even the right to exist, of less powerful peoples and countries.

    Revolution #114

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

    This invasion of Venezuela poses an extreme danger to the people of Venezuela, Latin American and the people of the world. And it poses a sharp moral and political challenge to those who hate this but are standing aside: Are you alright living in—and benefiting from—a world where the U.S. can openly invade other countries because the U.S. imperialists see it in their interests? Are you alright living in—again, and benefiting from—a world where the U.S. can send its military to murder people and kidnap people who stand in their way?

    If not, then don't you have an urgent and special responsibility to stand up against these bloody war crimes being committed in our name?! 

    2. While Trump focused on illegally and blatantly seizing Venezuela's natural resources, this invasion is about much more than "oil profits." This is about qualitatively stepped-up imperialist domination and control of an entire continent at a time when the U.S. is contending for global domination with its main imperialist rival, China. Especially now with the U.S. seizing control of resources that China relies on, this contention holds extreme danger for the people of the region and could spiral out into nuclear war. 

    For over 100 years, the U.S. has dominated Latin America through invasions, coups, torture and backing extremely repressive puppet governments. But as revcom.us wrote in an article on the Trump regime's National Security Strategy Statement (NSS), "A Strategy for a Fascist America Dominating the Planet": 

    China has over the past decade significantly upped its trade, investment and aid in Latin America. It has funded infrastructure projects including roads, telecommunication networks, etc. The U.S. now intends to undermine, limit and roll this back. As the NSS contends, "The United States must be preeminent in the Western Hemisphere as a condition of our security and prosperity."

    2025: A New Year—Profound New Challenges...

     

    Listen to and watch this important message from Bob Avakian.   

    This fascist section of the imperialist ruling class feels the need to shore up the entire Western Hemisphere—including Canada and Greenland—as the U.S.'s "neighborhood" where they have total military and economic control. At this press conference, Trump and Rubio openly threatened Cuba and Colombia to fall in line, or else.

    These fascists are attempting to deal with what they see as existential problems in maintaining the U.S. as top dog in a world of tremendous upheaval and volatility. This is part of the larger fascist program they see as their last chance to "rescue their system": rule through open violence and terror, the crushing of dissent and gutting of the rule of law, unleashing vengeful white supremacy, ethnic cleansing of immigrants, the patriarchal enslavement of women, purging of LGBT people from public life—wrapped together with Christian fascist lunacy and America-first belligerence.

    These extreme moves have created sharp divides within the dominant ruling institutions of this system and throughout society, with many feeling that what the Trump regime is doing will destroy the U.S. and its standing in the world. But while they oppose this, those forces need to be compelled and enabled to drive this regime from power—through the sustained nonviolent protest of millions, uniting all who can be united behind the demand, The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go NOW! 

    3. "We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way." –Bob Avakian

    What this regime is attempting is extreme, and while they are very far along in installing all-out fascism, they do not have everything sewn up. Because of big changes in a world of extreme volatility and upheaval, and the shredding of the traditionally oppressive social fabric in the U.S., the imperialists can no longer rule in the old way that people have been conditioned to accept.

    Something Terrible or Something Truly Emancipating - Square, wo "NEW"

     

    This has led to what Bob Avakian has recognized as a rare time when revolution has become more possible, even in this powerful country. People should go here and here to learn about this. 

    Now is the time—urgently—to come together with others. Join in uniting all who can be united to defeat this fascism, to stand with the people of Venezuela, and to get organized for an actual revolution to get rid of the system that has given rise to this fascism—and so many other atrocities, including the danger of human extinction through nuclear war and climate catastrophe.

    As we have said in the Declaration, We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, A Fundamentally Different System:

    A whole different way of living is possible: a whole different way to organize society, with a radically different economic foundation and political system, emancipating relations among people and an uplifting culture—all of this oriented to meeting the basic needs and fulfilling the highest interests of the masses of people.

    With the world in the balance, this is what people need to raise their sights to, and be part of bringing into being.

    We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System

     

  • ARTICLE:

    Venezuela: The Bald-Faced Lies of Stephen Miller—and the Profound Truth Those Lies Cannot Hide

    In trying to justify the Trump fascist regime's murders of Venezuelans on the high seas, its blockade of Venezuela, and the threats aimed at Venezuela’s President, Nicolás Maduro, Stephen Miller, one of Trump's chief fascist advisors, said this:

    American sweat, ingenuity and toil created the oil industry in Venezuela. Its tyrannical expropriation was the largest recorded theft of American wealth and property. These pillaged assets were then used to fund terrorism and flood our streets with killers, mercenaries and drugs.

    As usual, Stephen Miller has succeeded in both turning reality exactly upside down and unwittingly revealing how needless, destructive and mendacious (lying through its teeth) this system is. 

    Let’s start with the “pillaged assets.” If you want to talk about “pillaged assets,” you have to start with the European colonial powers who landed in the Americas in 1492. They confronted two continents with a combined population of somewhere between 50 and 100 million people. With the sword and with diseases for which the people of the Americas had no immunity, the invaders conquered. Some groups lost 90 percent of their people to disease; others were wiped out totally. Those who survived were enslaved and put to work mining silver. In addition, 25 million Africans were kidnapped to bring as slaves to this “new world” to grow the crops of sugar cane, tobacco, coffee and cotton that amassed massive profits. 

    With those profits, and standing on the bones of tens of millions, the capitalist class—and the capitalist system—rose to supremacy worldwide. 

    “Ingenuity”? Try inhumanity—and a system that grew to power on the basis of slavery, genocide and bitter exploitation. 

    Whose “Tyrannical Expropriation”?

    We could stop there, and Miller’s version of what the author Mark Twain is said to have called the peculiar American combination of arrogance and ignorance would stand exposed. But because people get trained by the media, schools, and politicians in so much narrowness and ignorance about what this country has done, AND because the stakes are so high right now, it’s worth it to answer Miller in more detail.

    In referring to the nationalization of Venezuelan oil reserves, Miller has the nerve to talk about “tyrannical expropriation.” Let’s look at what really happened.

    Venezuela 1930, political prisoner imprisoned in "The Rotunda" prison wearing 75 pound leg irons.

     

    A political prisoner in "La Rotunda" prison in Venezuela wearing 75 pound leg irons, 1930s.    Photo: Nerio Valarino (Public Domain)

    With the discovery of oil in Venezuela, the U.S. quickly moved in. Venezuelan puppet General Juan Vicente Gómez seized power in a 1908 coup with the help of the U.S. Navy. Gómez ruled the country either directly or through puppet presidents until his death in 1935. His state security forces carried out widespread torture and forced disappearances. "His enforcers were fond of shackling political prisoners in grillos, leg irons that rendered many victims permanently disabled—and those were the “lucky” ones. Others were hanged to death by meathooks through their throats or testicles."3

    In reality, Miller’s talk of “tyranny” applies first and foremost to the U.S. puppet regime and its enforcers. 

    Oil well blowout in Venezuela 1922.

     

    The 1922 oil blowout at the Barrosos No. 2 well in Cabimas that kicked off Venezuela's massive oil boom.    Photo: Public Domain

    “Expropriation”? The puppet Gómez enabled foreign oil companies to directly plunder Venezuelan resources. He granted highly profitable concessions (giving exclusive rights to explore and drill in specific locations and profit from the oil produced) to foreign oil companies, including American giants like Standard Oil. Those U.S. companies came to control 98 percent of the Venezuelan domestic oil market and extracted enormous profits from the Venezuelan economy. But that wasn’t all. The whole Venezuelan economy became geared around oil. Oil set the priorities for development inside Venezuela. Peasants were driven from the countryside into the slums of the cities. 

    As for the “sweat” that Miller claims came from the U.S.? The U.S. supplied the managers and some of the technicians—but almost all of the labor came from Venezuelans or migrants from the surrounding countries. To the extent that people did the same kinds of work, Venezuelans were paid less. The manual workers lived in squalid company dorms.

    Plundering another country’s resources, installing a puppet government, distorting their economy, and exploiting its people? That, Miller, is expropriation.

    Major Changes in the World Lead to Imperial Adjustments

    A Radically Different—and Far Better—World IS Possible

    In a 2017 talk, The Problem, The Solution and The Challenges Before Us, Bob Avakian turned the reality so often distorted by the likes of Steven Miller right-side up. Read—or listen—to this and think about both the history that is recounted in the accompanying article and the lies of Steven Miller:

    If you step away and out of the confines of the self-contained logic of the capitalist system, think about it: The raw materials are there, the people are there—that’s what you need to develop an economy. The question is, on what terms and through which means are you developing that economy with those people and those raw materials?

    Once again we’re back to the question that I focused on centrally in THE NEW COMMUNISM: through which mode of production are things done? Capitalism is not the only way, and is certainly far from the best way, to “create jobs” and for people to have meaningful employment. It is possible to have a radically different economic system, the system of socialism, in which people’s work is not exploited for the benefit of cut-throat competing capitalists who are now cut-throat competing capitalists on a world scale, who immediately, as soon as they find it not profitable enough, stop creating those jobs in this country and go to another country where they create jobs, until they find another country where they can go and more ruthlessly exploit people. The people are there. That is the most important thing. And with the people it is possible now to have a radically different economic and social system which is not built on exploitation and oppression—which, in fact, moves to do away with every form of exploitation and oppression—the socialist system moving toward communism on a world scale, at which point all exploitation and oppression will have been eliminated.

    But something big was changing worldwide. A powerful wave of national liberation and anti-colonial struggles swept through Asia, Africa and Latin America in the years during and after World War 2. In China, the masses of this formerly oppressed nation were led by the great revolutionary communist Mao Zedong to win liberation and to move on to socialism. Revolutionary China provided a beacon to the oppressed masses and a challenge to the imperialist system, for over 25 years.4

    In the face of this global upsurge, and in competition with what was, at that point, an imperialist Soviet Union, U.S. imperialism was forced to change its tactics. Domestic forces—even some from what had been liberation struggles—found their place within the imperialist political and economic system. These bourgeois forces were, or became, tied to imperialism and got “a cut of the action,” as the economies were maintained within the imperialist system. (See The New Communism, by Bob Avakian, Part IV, page 284, section on Angola for more on this phenomenon.)

    As part of this wave, in 1976, the Venezuelan legislature nationalized the oil industry. Yet the imperialists found “work-arounds” for direct ownership and continued their domination. As economist Francisco Rodriguez notes (quoted in the Washington Post): “Nobody was going to resist Venezuela carrying this nationalization to its end, and the U.S. was much more interested in having Venezuela be a provider of oil—relatively cheap oil—than to have a production collapse in Venezuela.”

    Hugo Chávez: Further Nationalization and Vicious American Retribution

    History did not stop there. In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías was elected president, winning with 56 percent of the vote. His “Bolivarian revolution” included a host of economic and social measures, including further nationalizations of the oil industry. (“Hugo Chavez Has an Oil Strategy... But Can This Lead to Liberation?”, by Raymond Lotta gets into the limitations of Chávez’s strategy and why it could not break the chains of the imperialist system.)

    The U.S. imperialists concluded that the Chávez regime had to be removed—by force if needed. On April 11, 2002, Chávez was overthrown in a military coup d’etat, done in close coordination with the U.S. imperialists and applauded by the likes of the New York Times. But two days after the coup, masses surged into the streets of Venezuela and Chávez returned to power. Ever since then, the imperialists have been imposing more and more extreme sanctions aimed at strangling Venezuela's oil income and devastating Venezuela's fragile, oil-dominated economy—first under Chávez and then, after his death, under his successor Nicolás Maduro.5

    America Poses as Victim While Acting as Executioner

    Venezuelans-scavenging-for-food-600.jpg

     

    People scrounging for food in the trash during economic crisis caused by U.S. sanctions, Caracas, Venezuela, 2016.   

    The consequences of the U.S. economic warfare for the Venezuelan people have been catastrophic. The online journal World Politics Review reported that people in Venezuela are “…living in the most dire conditions outside of a warzone in recent memory.” Disastrous economic conditions in Venezuela mean that millions of people are unable to meet life’s most basic needs like water, food, fuel, and shelter. The country’s health system has collapsed. In 2019, 14 percent of all children under five suffered from acute malnutrition, and 57 percent of pregnant women were malnourished. These figures have almost certainly risen since. 

    As of 2022, more than seven million people had been forced to leave Venezuela over the previous seven years. The Brookings Institution, a U.S. think tank, reported that “the Venezuelan refugee crisis is one of the largest in modern history.” Think about it: seven million people, each of them so desperate that they risked everything for a journey that for most was fraught with danger.6

    Venezuelans migrate as economic crisis worsens.

     

    Migrants from Venezuela wait to cross the border into Colombia.    Photo: AP

    This is what has been inflicted on the Venezuelan people both by the “routine” predatory functioning of the capitalist-imperialist system, and by coldblooded decisions made and policies carried out by the rulers of that system, especially by U.S. rulers from Obama to Trump to Biden.

    And yet Stephen Miller howls that the U.S. is being “tyrannized,” “expropriated,” “pillaged” and “terrorized.” 

    Trump and the Fascist Agenda

    Now, with Trump II, this horror has taken a further leap. Beyond the outright starvation, Trump and Miller first sought to demonize the very Venezuelan immigrants who were forced to flee their country by U.S.-imposed starvation as gangsters. They paid their junior partner Nayib Bukele in El Salvador $3 million to imprison and torture over 200 immigrants that Trump illegally deported there, most of whom had nothing whatsoever to do with gangs or drugs. Then they began murdering Venezuelans on the high seas for supposedly running drugs, killing at least 105 so far—with no approval from Congress and no proof whatsoever of their accusations. (See coverage of this at revcom.us here and here.)

    Prison guards oversee transfer of Venezuelan deportees from the U.S to Terrorism Confinement Center in El Salvador, March 16, 2025.

     

    Venezuelans deported from the U.S. and imprisoned in El Salvador, March 16, 2025.    Photo: AP

    There are three aims underneath this leap in the offensive against Venezuela that Stephen Miller tries to cover over with his cries of victimhood. First, Trump aims to intensify U.S. domination of Latin America as a source of strength in the U.S.'s contention with now-imperialist China over the division of the world. China is a major partner of Venezuela, and driving China out, or even seriously cutting into its influence, would be a major advance for the U.S. It’s not so much that the U.S. wants the oil for the money (though with Trump that enters into it), but they want control of the spigot. Second, the gross illegality of the war crimes that the U.S. is committing on the high seas—including its refusal to seek congressional approval—is a big part of the further fascist transformation of the U.S.7 Third, this is part of the fascist tearing up of any semblance of the rule of law in international relations.

    People Must Act

    With these as the stakes—and with this as the history—it is frankly inexcusable for the American people to have remained so silent in the face of these outrages. As THE REVCOM CORPS For The Emancipation Of Humanity have put it in a call to action:

    All this is criminal. It is escalating. And it could very well be a prelude to all-out war. People in this country have a huge responsibility to oppose any such aggression, nonviolently in the streets and in the arenas of public opinion, as an imperialist predatory war waged by a fascist regime.

    And they have added:

    To organizations and individuals: endorse this call, or put out your own complementary call to action. Spread this call. And message us @therevcoms to talk with us about your ideas about what needs to be done.

    Answer their call.

     

    In the name of humanity, we refuse to accept a fascist America!

    This whole system is rotten and illegitimate! We Need and We Demand, a Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System!

    We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System

     

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. See “The History – and Hypocrisy – of US Meddling in Venezuela” by Brett Wilkins, January 28, 2019 [back]

    2.  Revolutionary rule was overthrown in China in a counter-revolutionary coup d’etat after Mao’s death in 1976, and the no-longer-socialist China has since transformed itself into an imperialist power, even as it continues to call itself “communist.” For a full summation of what this heroic revolutionary struggle accomplished, what it was up against and where it fell short, read this interview with Raymond Lotta and this from the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian, who has brought forward the new communism. [back]

    3.  In this situation, China has become the principal trading partner with Venezuela, purchasing 80 percent of its oil. [back]

    4. See “Mass Migration from Venezuela: A Catastrophe of Human Suffering, Made in the USA,” revcom.us [back]

    5. See “Remaking the U.S. Military as a Fascist War Machine, Streamlined for War Crimes and on a War Footing,” revcom.us [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Revolutionary Communist Group, Colombia:

    U.S. Out of Venezuela! The Imperialists Are Not the Solution, They Are the Problem!

    Revcom.us editors’ note: This article appeared in Spanish on Alborada Comunista, website of the Revolutionary Communist Group (GCR), Colombia, and was translated into English by revcom.us volunteers.

    In the early hours of today, the United States launched a “large-scale” assault against Venezuela, with airstrikes against several military and civilian targets in Caracas, the Venezuelan capital, as well as in the states of Miranda, Aragua, and La Guaira. Furthermore, Trump announced by a social media post that the United States had “captured” the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, along with his wife, and that they are being transported (on the USS Iwo Jima) to the U.S. The fascist U.S. Attorney General, Pamela Bondi, announced that charges have been filed against Maduro so that he can be tried in a New York court.

    The United States has no right to disregard international law, bomb a country, and kidnap its president, as if they were the “world’s policeman.” The fact that the regime of Maduro, Diosdado Cabello [Venezuela Minister of Interior, Justice and Peace], and Vladimir Padrino [Venezuela Minister of Defense] does not represent anything positive for the Venezuelan people does not make a U.S. imperialist invasion legitimate or represent anything “good.”

    This U.S. aggression against Venezuela is criminal and is a serious demonstration of the serious danger that the United States represents to the world, especially now under a fascist regime like Trump’s: It takes place after months of illegal bombings and serial extrajudicial executions in the Caribbean and Pacific waters, following recent U.S. attacks in Nigeria and open threats to launch new attacks against the reactionary Islamic Republic of Iran. This invasion against Venezuela is a demonstration not only of the imperialist character of the United States, but also of the fascist character of the regime that governs there today, and is another step in the consolidation of a fascist military, economic, and political bloc in Latin America that is a loyal vassal of U.S. interests.

    It is urgent to strongly oppose this imperialist invasion and all imperialist moves by the United States. It is repugnant and criminal how sections of the right, both within Colombia (including directly [ex Colombian presidents] Uribe, Duque, and Pastrana) and in Latin America (the fascist-leaning presidents of Argentina, Javier Milei, and Ecuador, Daniel Noboa) are calling for this invasion to be celebrated as a “humanitarian intervention” or even, as former [Colombian] President Uribe stated, an act of “legitimate (self-)defense” on the part of the United States. This servile and pro-“national subjugation” position must be condemned and confronted. And although the discontent of a large section of the Venezuelan population with the Maduro regime is understandable, their desires for change are being used as an instrument to justify the criminal U.S. aggression and to install a regime loyal to Trump’s United States, with all the horror that this also means for the vast majority.

    It is necessary to organize the broadest, deepest, and most determined anti-imperialist struggle, “we need to develop a movement that opposes any aggression by the United States against Venezuela, Colombia, or any other country, and to do this without taking sides with the imperialist interests of any of the contending imperialist powers, but rather by opposing the imperialist system as a whole. To forge such a movement, we must not ‘ignore what divides us’; we must grapple, using the right method and spirit, around the differences in viewpoints and programs, so that more and more people can become more conscious and identify programs that can only lead from one catastrophe to another, and instead embrace those programs that aim for a fundamentally different future.” [From the Revolutionary Communist Group, Colombia: No U.S. Imperialist War Against Venezuela! No Imperialist Domination Over Latin America and the World!]

    It is necessary for broad sections of the people in Colombia and other parts of the world to mobilize right now, condemning this imperialist aggression against Venezuela. We must mobilize a powerful force that opposes the plans of the U.S. imperialists to consolidate Latin America as their backyard, loyal to Trumpist fascism. “Now is the time to take on this inspiring challenge which enables us to unite in combating the ongoing crimes, and against the system that causes them, the capitalist imperialist system.”

    U.S. OUT OF VENEZUELA!
    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY, WE REFUSE TO ACCEPT A FASCIST AMERICA!
    THIS WHOLE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN AND ILLEGITIMATE—WE NEED AND WE DEMAND A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM!
    TRUMP MUST GO NOW!!!

    Revolutionary Communist Group, Colombia | January 3, 2026

  • ARTICLE:

    Digging into the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, by Bob Avakian

    How Would the Revolution Deal with Relations with Other Countries?

    The outrageous and criminal invasion of Venezuela on January 3, 2026—along with the threadbare imperialist justifications for it, the murders that led to it, and Trump’s bragging threat that “we’re going to run it”—drives home the imperialist character of the system that has basically ruled this country since the late 1800s. But what is that system? Could humanity ever rise beyond it? What could replace it—and how would it work?

    On the basis of this country's founding in genocide and slavery, it has committed endless war crimes and crimes against humanity in maintaining its rule. Watch this from the revolutionary leader, Bob Avakian, from 2017, where he outlines a whole series of similar crimes committed by those who rule and represent this system—very similar to what Trump & Co. are doing now to Venezuela. Or look at the highly condensed summary of just a portion of the crimes we dig into in the American Crimes section of this site.

    Many politicians have promised “peace” (even Trump, a war-mongering fascist, tries to make the outrageous claim he's the "President of Peace"). But we live under the system of capitalism-imperialism. And that has meaning for whoever runs it.

    Break with American Chauvinism: The U.S. Is NOT a Force for Good in the World (from@BobAvakianOfficial).

    Capitalism-imperialism compels a handful of “developed” capitalist countries to dominate, distort and parasitically suck the blood from the vast majority of the world’s people. Capitalism-imperialism—in its compulsive, competition-driven requirement for ever more profit—means that millions of children in Asia, Africa and Latin America die each year from preventable disease, hunger, or both. Capitalism-imperialism compels wars to dominate the oppressed nations of the world, and wars between imperialist powers to sit atop that domination. Today even the “liberal-imperialist” New York Times demands that the U.S. military catch up with, match and be able to overpower its rival China—including in the ability to wield and use nuclear weapons. This system is built on cut-throat competition and rivalry… on expand-or-die… and that finds concentrated expression on the international level.

    The human cost is staggering. Just since the end of World War II, the U.S. military has killed roughly 10 million people. Count the dead from Korea, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia… count the dead from Guatemala, Chile, and El Salvador… from Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Indonesia and Gaza… from Congo and Mozambique… and you will find death either carried out by, sponsored, or funded by America. And whoever ascends to the top of that system—whether Democrat or MAGA fascist—will move to deepen that exploitation and carry out the aggression necessary to sustain and defend it.

    Trump—as a fascist—does this in a way with no regard for international or even U.S. law and in a particularly murderous (and dangerous) way. But he does this as a servant of the same capitalist-imperialist system that Biden and Obama also served.

    Constitution Serving the Emancipation of ALL Humanity

    But this isn’t the only way the world can be. This horror can and must end. Not just the particularly gangsteresque rule of Trump, but the whole imperialist system in this country and everything that flows from it. The technology and knowledge exist to organize society on a radically different foundation: getting to a world without exploitation and oppression. This is the goal of communism.8 The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, written by Bob Avakian, contains the sweeping vision, firm foundation and concrete blueprint for a socialist society that is in transition to this communist world: emancipating humanity from all forms and relations of exploitation and oppression, and from the ignorance and selfishness required and perpetuated by systems based on exploitation.

    Bob Avakian on Why He Wrote the CONSTITUTION for the New Socialist Republic in North America

    The new state power based on this Constitution can only be brought into being through a revolution involving millions in which the old machinery of exploitation, domination and oppression is not just reformed but abolished. 

    This series of articles will focus on how the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America lays out the framework for how this new power would transform the relations between the U.S. and that vast majority of the world that it has up to now plundered, oppressed, repressed and waged war upon. The new socialist state power will do that on the basis of a radically different economic and political system, and a struggle to forge whole new relations among people.

    Internationalism: Fundamental to the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America

    The Preamble of the new Constitution sets out the most fundamental guiding principles of the new power. So it is worth noting that the second paragraph immediately takes up the relation of the New Socialist Republic in North America to the whole world:

    In contrast to the way in which the capitalist-imperialist state serves and enforces the interests of a small ruling group of exploiters, the New Socialist Republic in North America, with the continuing leadership of the Revolutionary Communist Party, bases itself on, and proceeds from, the fundamental interests of those most bitterly exploited and oppressed under the old system, and the masses of people broadly, and provides the means for them to play an increasingly widening role in the exercise of political power and the functioning of society in accordance with those interests–in order to carry forward the struggle to transform society, with the goal of uprooting and finally eliminating all oppressive and exploitative relations among human beings and the destructive antagonistic conflicts to which these relations give rise. 

    This is a process and goal which, fundamentally and in the final analysis, can only be achieved on a global scale, with the advance to communism throughout the world. The orientation and principles of this state, as embodied in this Constitution, are internationalist: While giving due emphasis to meeting the material, intellectual and cultural needs of the people within this state, on a continually expanding basis, and to promoting the further transformation of this society to continue uprooting social inequalities and remaining aspects of exploitation and oppression, the socialist state must give fundamental priority to the advance of the revolutionary struggle, and the final goal of communism, throughout the world, and must adopt and carry out policies and actions which are in accordance with and give concrete effect to this internationalist orientation. 

    This is a political vision and a morality unlike anything else in this society. If you read through the new Constitution with this in mind, you’ll see it take concrete form in many different principles and policies of the new socialist republic.

    BAsics-5-8 English

     

    In regard to where we began this article, what does this new Constitution say about foreign relations? Could such a thing even remotely close to what’s going on in Venezuela happen in a society based on the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America? The answer is no! The U.S. today has roughly 800 military installations in other countries. These bases serve as ways to control the countries that they’re in and to suppress movements of opposition, including revolutionary movements, against regimes that are allied with the U.S. Remember again—10 million, around the world, slaughtered by the U.S. military and related institutions since the end of World War II.

    Yet in a hostile, imperialist-dominated world, there remains a need for defense. Here’s how the New Socialist Republic would approach it:

    1. The basic components and structures of the armed forces and militia and other organs of public defense and security of the New Socialist Republic in North America will have been brought into being through the course of the revolutionary struggle for power, once the conditions for that struggle had emerged: the development of an acute revolutionary crisis and the emergence of a revolutionary people, in the millions and millions, who have the leadership of a revolutionary communist vanguard and are conscious of the need for revolutionary change and determined to fight for it. With the establishment of this Republic, these institutions of public defense and security will be further developed in accordance with their essential purpose and role: to defend and safeguard the New Socialist Republic in North America and the security and rights of its people, in furtherance of the aims of this Republic and in support of the masses of people in carrying forward the revolutionary transformation of society, and contributing as much as possible to this transformation throughout the world. 

    2. In keeping with this purpose and role, and in accordance with its internationalist orientation, the New Socialist Republic in North America will dismantle all remaining bases of the former imperialist USA in other countries and will renounce all treaties and agreements, military and otherwise, which were imposed by that imperialist state on other countries and peoples or which in any case served to impose and enforce the domination of the imperialist USA. The New Socialist Republic in North America renounces all wars of aggression and domination, and all occupation of other countries in pursuit of such domination and aggression, and will not station its forces, nor establish bases, in another country, except in circumstances where this is clearly in accord with the wishes of the masses of people in that country and where such action would actually be a manifestation of the internationalist orientation and other fundamental principles and objectives set forth in this Constitution and would contribute to the advance of revolutionary struggle in the world in accordance with these principles and objectives.

    A Final, Important Point

    The imperialist invasion of Venezuela and the illegal arrest of Nicolás Maduro, along with the press conference announcing this, calls to mind this passage written by Bob Avakian (BA) more than four years ago. Many in the ruling class are already raising that Trump’s move poses the danger of serving to legitimize similar moves by Russia against Ukraine and other eastern European countries and—even more ominous for the rulers—China vis-à-vis Taiwan. Over four years ago, writing of the splits within the ruling class over how to rule—splits which have since sharpened immeasurably—BA wrote the following:

    It is extremely important to deeply understand this:

    As this situation develops, and the ruling class is more and more unable to rule in the old way, society and daily life for masses of people, from different parts of society, can become increasingly unsettled and chaotic, with frequent “disruptions” of the “normal” way things have been.

    And as “the normal way” society has been ruled is failing to hold things together—and society is increasingly being ripped apart—this can shake people’s belief that “the way things have always been” is the only way things can be. It can make people more open to questioning—in a real sense it can force people to question—the way things have been, and whether they have to stay that way. And this is all the more likely to happen if the revolutionary forces are out among the people shining a light on the deeper reality of what is happening, and why, and bringing out that there IS an alternative to living this way.

    At such a time, the real and powerful alternative embodied in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, by Bob Avakian, needs to get into the bloodstream of society. This does provide, as we said at the start, the sweeping vision, the concrete blueprint and the firm foundation for a whole new way to live… and a fundamentally different system. With society being ripped apart, and revolution more possible—even in the face of fascism, genocide, climate catastrophe and nuclear war—it is urgent that people raise their sights to the radically different world that's possible and take responsibility as part of the larger mission which this Constitution serves—bringing forward real emancipators of humanity.

    Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal)

    Authored by Bob Avakian, and adopted by the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, 2010

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Karl Marx, the founder of the science of communism, said that the goal of communist revolution is the abolition of class distinctions generally, or all class distinctions, the abolition of all the relations of productions on which those class distinctions rest, the abolition of all the social relations that correspond to those production relations, and the revolutionizing of all the ideas that correspond to those social relations. These have come to be known as the “four alls.” [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Fascist Trump and Netan-Nazi Meet at Mar-a-Lago: Signal New Leap in Genocide in Gaza and Israeli Onslaught on the Middle East

    Trump and Netanyahu meet at Mar-a-Lago, December 29, 2025.

     

    Trump and Netanyahu meet at Mar-a-Lago, December 29, 2025.    Photo: AP

    On Monday, December 29, the genocidal fascists Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netan-Nazi (aka Netanyahu) met at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate to discuss the next phase of Trump's so-called "peace plan" in Gaza, and the overall situation in the Middle East. 

    But the "peace" promised for the Palestinian people is a peace full of freezing to death in flooded tents, hunger, and the drumbeat of random air strikes by the Israeli army killing civilians. It is a "peace" of continued suffering and subjugation. 

    As it became clear throughout this press conference, the future of the Palestinian people as envisioned by Trump and Netanyahu is one of ethnic cleansing and all-out genocide in one form or another.

    While we don’t know what was discussed or debated behind closed doors, their public press conference made three ominous things very clear:

    ONE: Maintaining Israel as a heavily armed bastion of support for U.S. imperialism in the strategic region of the Middle East.

    During the press conference, Trump repeatedly praised Netanyahu, declaring their relations "could not be better." Netanyahu in turn said that Israel has "never had a friend" like Trump in the White House, that he has “achieved remarkable things in the Middle East.” Netanyahu gushed about Trump and announced that Israel was giving him the country's highest civilian honor, awarding him the Israel Prize (which has never been given to a non-Israeli). 

    This wasn't just sick personal adoration among genocidal fascists, this was a reflection of the fact that both are deeply committed to maintaining their very tight strategic alliance. As the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian said in his social media message REVOLUTION #35: Ending Apartheid as Part of Ending All Oppression—South Africa is Not a “Model.”:

    Maintaining Israel as a “western-oriented” state is of decisive importance for the U.S. imperialists, and in turn the Zionist (Jewish supremacist) nature of Israel is of critical importance in maintaining Israel as this bastion of support for U.S. dominance, especially in opposition to the influence of Iran—and beyond that Russia, and increasingly China—in this strategic region.

    Trump and Netan-Nazi do have differences. Trump is aiming to both bolster Israel as its attack dog in the Middle East while also keeping it on a chain—putting some limits on Netanyahu so as to expand and maintain relations with other powers in the Middle East. Netanyahu has not publicly criticized these limits, even as that's putting all kinds of pressure on him and what the fascists grouped around him see as their necessity.9 A full discussion of this is beyond the scope of this article, but it was clear in this press conference that in this public setting, Trump went out of his way not to go there. 

    Trump Turns Reality Upside Down to Justify Israeli Genocide

    In addition, Trump echoed one of Israel's bullshit justifications for the last two plus years of genocide. Trump said that if it weren't for Netanyahu's strength and resolve, “you wouldn’t have Israel any longer. Israel would not exist.” 

    This not only turns reality upside down, it is a justification for two years of all-out slaughter of the Palestinian people. For Israeli bombings, shootings and forced starvation, and the destruction of the entire infrastructure of Gaza, from homes to hospitals, universities, farms, bakeries, churches and mosques. For slaughter that has led to the killing of at least 71,386 Palestinian people, including over 20,000 children! For bombings that have led to the injury of at least 171,264 and millions terrorized, displaced, and traumatized. 

    On October 7, 2023, Hamas—the reactionary Islamic fundamentalist organization that was governing Gaza—launched an attack on Israel, which killed nearly 1,200 people. Hamas also kidnapped 251. This included the targeting of civilians, which is a war crime.

    But as reactionary and horrific as this attack was, it did not represent some kind of existential threat to Israel, and came nowhere close to the suffering that Israel has imposed for generations on the Palestinian people. Nor is it the case that, as Trump said, Gaza has "been a mess for centuries."

    As Bob Avakian wrote on October 20, 2023:

    This is not the 1930s and World War 2, when the Nazis, as the ruling power in Germany, carried out horrific atrocities against and mass murder of millions of Jews. The situation today is not one where Palestinians are herding helpless Jews into concentration camps and subjecting them to genocide. The actual situation is the opposite of that.

    Israel is a nuclear-armed military power, heavily supplied and supported by the dominant imperialist power in the world, the U.S. Israel has, for generations, imposed apartheid oppression on the Palestinians, denying them basic rights. And, especially with regard to the more than two million Palestinians in Gaza, half of them children, Israel has denied them even the means to live beyond the most minimal and desperate existence.

    To once again emphasize some basic and crucial facts: Israel is a country that, with the backing of major imperialist powers, was founded as a racist, Jewish supremacist state, 75 years ago, on the basis of horrific ethnic cleansing—with mass killing, rape, and destruction of whole villages of the Palestinians, driving masses of Palestinians off of their lands and incorporating that land into the expanding territory that became the state of Israel (which had never existed before World War 2). And now Israel, with the full backing of the U.S. imperialists, is openly carrying out genocide against the Palestinians.

    TWO: Continuing Israel’s Genocide

    Palestinians return to destroyed buildings in the northern Gaza Strip, January 2, 2026.

     

    Palestinians return to destroyed buildings in the northern Gaza Strip, January 2, 2026.    Photo: AP/Jehad Alshrafi

    On October 11 last year, Trump brokered a "peace plan" between Israel and Hamas, based on gangster threats of the all-out extermination of Hamas. But since the ceasefire began, Israel has violated it nearly 900 times! Israel has killed over 400 Palestinians and wounded more than 1,000. They have prevented adequate food and urgently needed humanitarian aid from coming into Gaza, including tents and portable shelters. And Israel has seized more and more Palestinian territory. 

    Even while Netanyahu and Trump were meeting at Mar-a-Lago, Israel banned some 37 international aid organizations from operating in Gaza. This is a death sentence for many already suffering, with Palestinians in Gaza losing access to food, medical care, water, and other lifesaving support. 

    But despite all this, Trump hailed Netan-Nazi as a great “wartime leader,” who was "doing phenomenal work." Trump declared Israel was adhering “100 percent” to the ceasefire. “I’m not concerned about anything that Israel is doing,” Trump said.10 This wasn't said out of ignorance, but as a green light for Israel to continue its genocide—with the U.S. providing full political and military backing.

    But Trump did threaten Hamas, which has largely been adhering to the ceasefire. He claimed Hamas had agreed to disarm (they haven’t11) and threatened there would be “hell to pay” if it didn’t disarm “in a very short period of time.” He also claimed there were other forces in the region eager to “wipe out Hamas.”

    While Hamas is a reactionary organization that used its arms to target Israeli civilians, and has been a repressive force among Palestinians, you have to ask: why should Hamas be forced to disarm when Israel, an illegitimate apartheid terrorist state, is being re-armed to the tune of billions in advanced weaponry?

    The U.S. and Israel's demand that Hamas disarm is part of enforcing the overall submission of the Palestinian people and a surrender of their basic rights.

    Looming Threat of Return to All-Out Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing of Gaza

    Deadly Israeli attack on Gaza City causes panic and fear | Al Jazeera English

    In another part of this press conference, Trump re-raised his outrageous “proposal” to ethnically cleanse all of Gaza (even though his so-called “peace plan” promised this wouldn’t happen). Trump welcomed a reporter’s claim that half of Gaza’s population wants to leave. “I heard that number today, half of Gaza would leave. I’ve always said it…I think it would be a great opportunity.”12 

    These threats are coming in the context of Trump and Netanyahu reportedly moving forward to phase two of Trump’s so-called “peace plan,” which is shaping up as the deadly combination of fascist genocide and business-as-usual imperialist plunder.

    The goal: completely transforming Gaza and making it impossible to continue as a Palestinian territory. 

    So far, it has meant Israeli control of over half of Gaza. Over 90 percent of the population has been pushed into the other half—which American made bombs dropped by Israel have turned into a decimated wasteland, a hell-scape of ruin. At least 10,000 bodies lie under 68 million tons of rubble. The ground is toxic and littered with unexploded bombs. If the only options are living in freezing tents amid rubble, sewage and death, it may be that many people in Gaza do want to leave—despite knowing that, just as when Palestinian people were driven from their homeland in 1948, they may never be able to return. 

    Meanwhile, there are indications Israel may attempt to permanently occupy or seize control of much of Gaza. And the "plans" for the future of Gaza being floated out by the Trump fascists are, as we wrote before, an "imperialist predator’s vision of feasting—and profiting—off the broken bones, slaughtered children, and smoking ruins of the U.S.-Israeli genocide in Gaza." 

    For an overview and background on Trump’s plan see revcom.us coverage HERE and HERE.

    THREE: Trump Backs Israel’s Threats to Strike Iran

    Israel is in the midst of a killing spree across the Middle East, now focused in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, and Syria.13 And recently it has been agitating for new attacks on Iran.

    While Trump sought to rein Netanyahu in when it came to the West Bank and Syria, Trump joined in the bloodthirsty threats on Iran. “We’ll knock the hell out of them,”14  Trump threatened, if Iran rebuilds its missile program and/or its nuclear program—both of which the U.S. and Israel illegally attacked last year. More recently Trump threatened military intervention if Iran’s Islamic Republic used violence against rising protests against the regime. 

    An Openly Fascist Leap to Dominate Gaza and the Middle East, a Grave Danger for Humanity

    Compilation of protests in Washington DC, Chicago and LA against the US bombing of Iran, June 22, 2025.

     

    Protests in Washington DC, Chicago and LA against the US bombing of Iran, June 22, 2025.    Screenshot: x @anadoluagency

    Trump and Netanyahu are depraved fascists responsible for rivers of blood and the slaughter of innocents. And even with profound and sharp differences about how to rule this system, Genocide Joe Biden, Kamala Harris and the Democratic Party are no less responsible for the genocide of the Palestinian people.

    But we have to go deeper to understand what is driving this, and where the interests of humanity lie. To draw again from Bob Avakian, this time from a social media message from last August, REVOLUTION #76: The Democratic Party Convention: Delegates chant “We Love Genocide!”:

    But it is not just a matter of the depraved nature of these politicians—Democrat and Republican. Much more fundamentally, it is a matter of this system of capitalism-imperialism which requires people willing to commit these monstrous acts. Again from my message number Seventy-Four:

    This system forces the people who rise to the top of it, and rule it, to be literally—without any exaggeration—cut-throat exploitersmurderous oppressors on a massive scale, and relentless plunderers of people and the environment, regardless of the suffering this causes for masses of human beings. For individual capitalists, and for the ruling classes of capitalist countries, if they do not beat out and beat down others, by whatever means, no matter how monstrous, they will go under. This cannot be “reformed away,” and it cannot be changed by changing the people who rule in this system—they will all be bound by the very nature, the “logic” and dynamics, and the demands of this system.

    This can only be changed with a revolution—to overthrow and abolish this system, and replace it with a fundamentally different and much better system, which does not rest on, does not require, and aims to fully do away with ruthless exploitation and monstrous mass murder and destruction.

    The basic principles and the practical guidelines for this system are laid out concretely in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which I have written. It is this fundamentally different system that we must be insisting on, and fighting for—accepting nothing less—if we really want to put an end to all the madness and unnecessary suffering that the masses of humanity are subjected to, in this country and throughout the world, and set out instead on the only possible and realistic road of emancipating all of humanity.

    Stop the U.S.-Israeli Genocide of the Palestinian People
    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran
    In the name of humanity, we refuse to accept a fascist America!
    This whole system is rotten and illegitimate! We need and we demand: a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system!

     

    Read / download this pamphlet at TheBobAvakianInstitute.org.   

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. When asked about the West Bank at the press conference, Trump said: “Well, we have had a discussion, a big discussion, for a long time on the West Bank. And I wouldn’t say we agree on the West Bank 100 percent.” The Jerusalem Post reports that Trump and his advisers warned Netanyahu that current Israeli policies in the West Bank could jeopardize the Gaza peace plan, Israel’s ties with European countries, and efforts to expand the Abraham Accords, which seek to expand formal diplomatic ties between Israel and other Middle East states. They cited the expansion of Israeli settlements, attacking and displacing Palestinian communities, and moving toward de facto annexation of the West Bank. For further discussion of some of the differences between the Trump regime and Israel, see:  Trump Regime Demands Israel Adhere to Its Imperialist “Peace” Plan, revcom.us, October 27, 2025. [back]

    2. Since Trump’s so-called ceasefire took effect on October 11, Israel has killed at least 406 Palestinians in Gaza, and while Israel allowed some food into Gaza, 77 percent of Gaza’s population is still facing severe hunger. Since it launched its genocidal assault on Gaza following Hamas’ October 7, 2023 attack, Israel has damaged or destroyed over 80 percent of Gaza’s buildings, including over 1,000 schools. ALJ FB 12/28. Only 14 of Gaza's 36 hospitals remain even partially functional. United Nations, October 2, 2025. [back]

    3. Hamas has never agreed to fully disarm. They’ve publicly said they would only give up their weapons in the context of a final peace deal that results in the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state, something Israel and the Trump regime have been adamantly opposed to.  [back]

    4. Israel has been negotiating with Somaliland, a break-away region of Somalia, to accept Palestinian “refugees” forcibly displaced from Gaza. Now, it’s recently recognized Somaliland as an independent nation, a move denounced by many other countries.  [back]

    5. See, Israel’s Regional Killing Spree: America’s Mad Dog Off Its Chain in Middle East, revcom.us, December 1, 2025. [back]

    6. On June 13, last year, Israel launched an illegitimate act of aggression against Iran involving more than 200 jets to strike over 100 targets across Iran. On June 22 the Trump regime joined in, conducting airstrikes on three Iranian nuclear facilities using B-2 bombers and Tomahawk cruise missiles. This U.S.-Israeli war on Iran ended shortly thereafter, on June 24. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Osyan:

    To Trump and the Mossad: Hands Off Iran!
    To the People of Iran: We Will Overthrow the Islamic Republic Ourselves!

    Revcom.us editors’ note: This is a statement from Osyan on the current upsurge of protest in Iran. Osyan (which means “rebellion” in the Farsi language) is a group of Iranian and Afghan women who are the voice of women’s rebellion to express the determination, and to serve the struggle against the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Taliban. Check at revcom.us for further coverage of the protests in Iran.

    After several days have passed since the widespread protests in Iran, the Mossad, the Israeli Minister of Technology, and Trump issued messages declaring their “support” for the protesters! In reality, under the guise of support, they issued threats to use military weapons! For us, it is clear that such support from genocidal forces and fascists means leading the freedom of the Iranian people to the slaughterhouse.

    Therefore, we loudly declare that our just struggles against the Islamic regime provides no justification whatsoever for your political or military interventions! Hands off Iran! If you have been lying in wait for an opportunity to attack Iran again, know this: we will not allow you to turn our protests into an opportunity for your warmongering and your interests. We fight for freedom, and if you place yourselves in the path of our freedom and interfere in it, we will fight you as well.

    Where do they derive the audacity to make such statements? From the fact that the cry of our clear alignment against such criminal forces have not yet reached their ears! Whether our cries have been too faint, drowned out in the corridors of the media, or taken hostage by a puppet opposition makes no difference. Now is the time to resolutely make our voice heard: the people of Iran will in no way welcome your bombs! They have no illusions about your so-called alternative-making projects or your interventions! And if up to now Iran’s history has been shaped by the interventions and pacts of global powers, now is the time to take our destiny into our own hands.

    If the people of Iran succeed in raising this voice, they will not only reduce the danger of war, destruction, and foreign intervention, but they will also be more successful in the internal struggle. This struggle will gain greater legitimacy for all the people of the world and will receive broader international support, and no one will dare to label it with security tags such as “pro-imperialist,” “American,” and the like.

    Support from Trump and the Mossad will not reduce the repression of the Islamic Republic in the slightest: on the contrary, it will enable the Islamic Republic to label every protester a “spy” and intensify repression. Indeed, the Islamic Republic has already begun trading war threats in order to once again drive the people—beyond poverty—into the arms of war!

    We tell the people: believe in your own power! Your power, even in these five days—despite lack of organization and the absence of a clear vision of the future we want—has forced politicians inside and outside the country to react. We do not need their help; they are the ones who need us in order to rule and dominate, and we must not become their instruments. Anyone who has even for a moment been encouraged by these statements should remember the twelve-day attack on Iran and the two-year genocide in Palestine.

    We want these people and this land free, not destroyed! Free from the Islamic Republic and free from imperialism. With our own hands, we can—and must—overthrow the Islamic Republic.

    Osyan

  • ARTICLE:

    SAVE THE DATE

    Tuesday, February 3

    Dreams in Dark Times
    A benefit for The Bob Avakian Institute
    at Revolution Books, NYC

    437 Malcolm X Blvd/Lenox Ave (at 132nd Street)

    Initial participants include musician William Parker.

    More information coming soon.

  • ARTICLE:

    From RefuseFascism.org:

    The People’s Indictment of Donald Trump: A Unified Declaration of Illegitimacy

    Revcom.us editors’ note: This indictment was originally posted at RefuseFascism.org. We are reposting on our site with permission.

    Find links to PDF versions of the Indictment and graphics for printing below

    Donald Trump

     

    History teaches that fascists, once firmly in power, are extraordinarily difficult to remove. It is absolutely critical that we take up the responsibility to expel such a regime before consolidation becomes irreversible. Donald Trump’s fascist administration, through repeated injuries, usurpations, and acts of violence, has forfeited any claim to legitimacy. Therefore, We the People submit the following indictment asserting that the Trump administration constitutes an illegitimate fascist regime and must be removed from power.

    Donald Trump: You are indicted for crimes against the people of the United States and installing fascism in the U.S.

    I. A Regime of Tyranny and Betrayal of the Constitution

    The Trump administration has systematically violated the fundamental principles of the U.S. Constitution. The promises of liberty, justice, equality, consent of the governed, and the rule of law have ALL been eroded by the actions of a President who is sworn to preserve and defend them.

    Trump has defied federal courts, ignored lawful orders, targeted judges and lawyers, and replaced constitutional governance with rule by decree. He has used executive power to obstruct justice, override Congress, and install loyalists who serve his will rather than the public good.

    He has wielded federal agencies as weapons against immigrants, protesters, journalists, and political opponents, even threatening the execution of members of Congress. This administration has undermined basic democratic rights, targeted marginalized communities, and shredded civil liberties with open contempt.

    II. Crimes of Fascism and the Consolidation of Dictatorship

    Trump’s MAGA Fascism aims to install an open dictatorship, unrestrained and unchecked, reliant on white-supremacist Christian-nationalism, misogyny, xenophobia, and violent repression. The actions of this administration are not isolated — they form a coherent fascist program. Traditional democratic channels cannot halt a regime that destroys those very channels.

    Count One: Violent Persecution and Terrorizing of Immigrants

    Trump unleashed heavily armed federal strike forces and illegally mobilized National Guard units to target immigrants and anyone racially profiled as such. ICE became his private army — disappearing people, terrorizing children, defying courts, and deporting individuals to torture and abuse in concentration camps both here and overseas.

    Count Two: Lawless International Aggression

    Trump has openly disregarded international law and disparaged our allies, waged unauthorized military actions, threatened wider war, and supported acts of genocide and war crimes. He asserted a doctrine of U.S. domination over entire regions, dismissing international law and human rights.

    Count Three: Attacks on Elections and Voting Rights

    Trump pardoned January 6th insurrectionists, empowered election deniers, gerrymandered Black and Brown communities out of political power, and enabled voter suppression schemes designed to entrench minority rule.

    Count Four: Subversion of the Courts

    The Supreme Court — illegitimately packed with Trump loyalists — continues to overrule lower courts, often through unexplained “shadow docket” decisions. They have surrendered judicial independence, suppressed the voice of the people, and enabled the regime’s assault on the Constitution.

    Count Five: Weaponizing Federal Power Against Political Opponents

    The administration twisted law enforcement and prosecutorial powers into instruments of retribution. Political enemies, NGOs, journalists, and movement activists were all targeted.

    III. A History of Repeated Injuries, Usurpations, and Abuses

    The Trump regime has intensified white supremacy, misogyny, and the erasure of LGBTQ+ people; demonized immigrants; escalated militarism; and undermined science and public health.

    To establish and enforce white supremacy, Trump exalted the Confederacy, purged diversity programs, attacked the teaching of Black and Native history, removed symbols of civil rights progress, and installed white supremacists in key positions.

    To subjugate women and erase LGBTQ+ people, Trump dismantled reproductive rights, threatened nationwide abortion bans, outlawed gender-affirming care, purged transgender people from public institutions, and reinstated oppressive norms as state policy.

    To target entire peoples and escalate global conflict, Trump carried out mass deportations, stripped legal protections from migrants, bombed foreign nations illegally, backed genocide, and invoked 19th century doctrines of imperial domination.

    To consolidate dictatorship, he declared himself above the Constitution, weaponized the DOJ, attacked universities and the press, purged the military, and created a personalist authoritarian system.

    IV. Violations of Human and Civil Rights at Home and Abroad

    Trump’s administration has committed widespread violations of civil, constitutional, and human rights:

    • Silencing journalists, suppressing protest, and retaliating against whistleblowers.
    • Warrantless surveillance, unlawful detentions, and militarized policing.
    • Cruel treatment of detainees; particularly women and children, immigrants, and transgender individuals.
    • Rollback of LGBTQ+ protections, racial equity programs, disability rights, and reproductive freedoms.
    • Family separations, denial of asylum, and deportations to known torture regimes.
    • Abandonment of international human rights commitments and obstruction of war-crimes investigations.

    These constitute moral, legal, and humanitarian crimes deserving the strongest condemnation.

    V. A Government of, by, and for Tyrants

    Trump, and the officials complicit in his regime, have enriched themselves while undermining public health, education, economic stability, environmental protections, and essential social programs. They have dismantled oversight mechanisms, sold influence to the wealthy, and reduced governance to a corrupt spectacle.

    This is an authoritarian plutocracy government, run by and for a corrupt elite.

    VI. The Mandate of the People: Trump Must Go NOW

    No matter how they attain power, fascist regimes are never legitimate. Trump’s regime poses a direct threat to humanity in an era of climate catastrophe, nuclear proliferation, and global instability.

    Therefore, we declare:

    • President Donald Trump needs to be removed from power immediately.
    • The entire Trump regime is illegitimate.
    • Its continued rule violates the Constitution, human rights, and the principles of a free society.
    • Any further executive or legislative action that oppresses or exploits the people constitutes a direct attack on the public.

    VII. A Call to Action for a Free and Just Future

    Fascism is not a looming threat. It is upon us now. It is a completely different, brutal, form of rule. It cannot be lived with; it must be defeated.

    Fascist rule is never legitimate, no matter how it comes to power. This administration surrendered any claim to “legitimacy” the minute they began using their power to violate and dismantle the U.S. Constitution and our rule of law.

    If we dare, we can defeat this horror unlike anything we’ve faced before. If we fail to even try, future generations will never forgive us.

    There can be no business as usual under fascism; that’s why we call on people across this country to join us in sustained, nonviolent mass resistance. To walk out of work, to walk out of school, and to come from all across the country — millions together in the streets of the nation’s capital — returning again and again, day after day, until the Trump regime falls!

    The future is unwritten. Which one we get is up to us.

    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY,
    WE REFUSE TO ACCEPT A FASCIST AMERICA.
    TRUMP MUST GO NOW!

    People's Indictment of Trump

     

    To print the Indictment and related graphics, go to RefuseFascism.org:
    • Find English and Spanish PDFs of the Indictment in several different formats. Click here and then click "Flyers" and scroll down the page to see the different formats.
    • Find pictures in PDF illustrating the Five Counts of the Crimes of Fascism and the Consolidation of Dictatorship here.
  • ARTICLE:

    Check It Out: Cover-Up Documentary

    This riveting film (available on Netflix) by Laura Poitras and Mark Obenhaus tells the story of how Seymour Hersh, renowned investigative journalist since the 1960s, uncovered some of the biggest American crimes of recent history. And how he did this despite massive cover-ups by the government trying to maintain the false image of the United States as “a force for good in the world” as Bob Avakian has so succinctly put it.

    One of the crimes is the massacre by U.S. troops of the whole village of My Lai in Vietnam in 1968. You learn how Hersh first heard a rumor in the military about this and then doggedly pursued the truth. He followed clues one by one to reveal the nightmarish truth about what happened and how the massacre was not an “isolated incident of a bad apple” but the genocidal policy of the government. The film goes on to show his role in exposing the Watergate scandal where Nixon and his White House team lawlessly went after Nixon’s political enemies. Then the role of the CIA and Henry Kissinger in engineering the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile in the early 1970s and installing a “friendly” fascist Pinochet, who murdered tens of thousands. And in 2004, how Hersh found and exposed the horror of the U.S. torture of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib.

    There are many other interesting aspects of this film, like the self-censorship of the major media (very relevant today), the role of investigative journalism and the toll it takes on the journalists, and the story of how Hersh came to be a journalist.

    I would urge all your readers to watch this film. If you already know this history, Cover-Up puts it all together in a compelling way. You see not only how and why Hersh investigated, but how he and his work was suppressed at every turn (including by the major media) and how and why he fought through to bring the truth to light for the whole world. If you don’t know about this history, or have vague notions about it, you can learn a lot about the real recent history of U.S. imperialism, how it works, and what it has really been doing in the world.

    American Crime Ad for whole series with image of U.S. airstrike in Gaza.

     

  • ARTICLE:

    As We Close Out 2025, Dig Into and Spread Bob Avakian's Work: 

    Clarity and Hope on a Scientific Foundation

    As we close out 2025, many will reflect on the darkness of the last year: the extreme danger of Trump/MAGA fascism, a world of genocide and climate catastrophe. While people urgently need to confront the existential fascist danger we face, and dig more deeply into the system of capitalism-imperialism which gave rise to this fascism along with so many other horrors, they also need to know there is a basis for hope in what Bob Avakian called in January 2025: "a profoundly positive way forward in the face of very real horror."

    We encourage our readers to take some time this week to return to these key works from Bob Avakian, the revolutionary leader and architect of the new communism:

    TEASER BA New Years Statement 2025

     

    Think about this: If over the past year millions had seriously taken up Bob Avakian’s analysis and the leadership he provides, where might we be right now in confronting fascism and bringing forward a radically different and much better world—and given where we actually are, what must we do right now to reach, win over, and move those millions to face the reality BA lays out in these works and find the courage to act on it?

    Let’s begin the new year with scientific determination, the courage this moment demands, curiosity about how the world actually works—how it can be transformed—and a much-needed hope. Not religious or blind hope, but hope grounded in reality: in how humanity could be living.

    If you’ve ever wondered whether a radically different society could meet people’s basic needs, work to uproot all oppression, and protect dissent, protest, and critical thinking—even against its own government—watch this excerpt from the 2025 BA interviews and pull together gatherings and discussions on New Year’s Day.

    If you don’t already have plans, join a Zoom discussion on New Year's Day, Thursday, January 1, 4 pm PT/7 pm ET and invite others to take this up with you. Register HERE

    Sunsara Taylor asks: "You have said that never before in any proposed or actually existing founding document of a government has there been anything close to the level, not only of provision for dissent, protest, disagreement and ferment as is written into the Constitution that you authored. While also being oriented to meeting people’s basic needs and overcoming oppression. Can you give an example of how this is built into the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic?"

    We'll discuss Bob Avakian's answer:

  • ARTICLE:

    Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead

    Cops push protesters at ICE detention center Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.

     

    Protest at ICE detention center, Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.    Photo: Paul Goyette

    We are in the midst of a major fascist leap in the suppression of protest and dissent—but most people don't even know about this. Revcom.us has been reporting on the extreme repressive moves which are otherwise getting very little attention—in the mainstream media or among anti-fascist writers. And this urgently has to change.

    This week, we are pulling together a number of these articles and encouraging readers to spread these widely. Grapple together about what is required to combat these fascist repressive moves as part of defeating Trump/MAGA fascism and as part of building up the forces for revolution to bring a radically different, and far better system into being. How do we sound the alarm throughout society? How do we raise standards among the decent people who oppose this fascism? How do we build a movement that has each other's backs?

    In a December 15 article on a memo from the fascist Department of Justice, we wrote:

    This memo almost certainly foreshadows a major leap in repression. This can neither be brushed off and treated as empty threats, nor can we allow ourselves and all the decent people opposed to this fascism to be preemptively scared into submission. Such moves—if people are mobilized to understand the threat they pose—could politically backfire on the fascists.

    But that only happens if consciousness is raised about the real danger of these moves and if standards are adopted in the movement against Trump that “an injury to one is an injury to all,” with individuals and organizations standing with anyone under attack.

    In addition to articles from revcom.us, we want to highlight a few other voices sounding the alarm from different perspectives:

    Pam Bondi’s Ominous New Memo: “Operationalizing” Trump’s All-Out Fascist Vision, revcom.us, December 15, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of the Justice Department memo issued by Attorney General Pam Bondi, its implications, and what to do in the face of it.

    ***

    Regime Launches “All-of-Government Effort to Dismantle” All Opposition to Fascism, revcom.us, October 20, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of two September executive orders from Trump—one designating “antifa” as a “Domestic Terror Organization,” the other calling for an all-out campaign against political dissent and opposition using the pretext of “domestic terrorism.” 

    ***

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People, revcom.us, February 10, 2025. 

    Essential reading that prepares people to understand and deal with encounters with FBI and other “investigators” being unleashed by the Bondi memo.

    ***

    How Can The President Go After Citizens, Senator Elissa Slotkin, December 17, 2025.

    A short YouTube talk on how and why the Bondi Memorandum is another major step in repression.

    ***

    The Bondi Memo’s Quiet Rewriting of Domestic Terrorism Rules, by Thomas E. Brzozowski, Lawfaremedia.org, December 12, 2025.

    Brzozowski writes, "If you were not already on high alert, you should be now." Brzozowski is a former Counsel for Domestic Terrorism in the Counterterrorism Section of the U.S. Department of Justice. 

    ***

    U.S. Military Willing to Attack “Designated Terrorist Organizations” Within America, General Says, Nick Turse, The Intercept, December 16, 2025.

    Head of the U.S. Northern Command testifies in a Senate hearing that if he was ordered lawfully to deploy troops in cities against “designated terrorist organizations,” he would “execute the order.”

    ***

    FBI Making List of American “Extremists,” Leaked Memo Reveals, Ken Klippenstein, December 6, 2025.

    Klippenstein was the first to report on the Bondi memo. 

    ***

    Bob Avakian Official Revolution 135

     

    Read | listen to this message from Bob Avakian.   

  • ARTICLE:

    Warning for the Decent People Who Oppose Trump/MAGA Fascism: Don't Fall for Dishonest Divide-and-Conquer Schemes

    The Revcoms reply to Kristofer Goldsmith’s lies about Refuse Fascism, the Revcoms and the Revolutionary Leader Bob Avakian

    Updated

    In a hit piece on Substack, Kris Goldsmith relies on tired slander and anti-communist distortion to attack Refuse Fascism for its association with the revcoms and Bob Avakian, the revolutionary leader and architect of the new communism.  Goldsmith paints a cartoon caricature of sinister communists working behind the scenes to take advantage of people in protests against fascism for "visibility."  He repeats the lie that the revcoms are a "cult."  Absent in his essay are any actual statements from Avakian or the revcoms.

    Goldsmith laces his argument with dire warnings that Refuse Fascism and the revcoms will do damage to the fight against Trump/MAGA fascism. This is despite the fact that Refuse Fascism (an organization involving people from different perspectives which was formed just weeks after Trump's first election) has been the most consistent, and usually the only, national organization that has recognized what we are facing as fascism and called on people to act commensurately. 

    Goldsmith's whole argument is based on the Trumpian logic that "a lot of people are saying" so it must be true. 

    But repeating crude slanders and cheap lies does not make those slanders and lies any more true, or less harmful—and invoking others who have spewed the same lies and slanders does not make them any more credible.  It only puts you in the company of others using unprincipled methods, and joins in the harm such unprincipled attacks do.  This is especially terrible now, given the monumental stakes involved in the fight against this Trump/MAGA fascism. 

    Many people have called out these divide-and-conquer schemes, seeing the urgent need to unite all who can be united behind the single demand: The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go NOW!  But there are unfortunately too many others who take up the "I heard it on the internet so it must be true" logic, believing lies and distortions about the position of the revcoms and Bob Avakian without having the intellectual integrity to look into it for themselves.

    These attacks—and the accompanying gossip culture—do the dirty work for Trump fascism by working to undermine the broad and principled unity needed to defeat this fascism.  These tactics—relying on rumor, lies and distorting people's views to isolate and silence them—smack strongly of the tactics of the right wing fascist forces in this country and the political police (the FBI, etc.) who create pretexts to go after revolutionary groups, and who engage in character assassination to discredit revolutionary leaders. (See: “In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the Movement...”)

    Especially as the Trump fascist regime is moving to classify all anti-fascist opposition—from Democratic Party politicians to No Kings protesters—as "domestic terrorism," these attacks are extremely dangerous.  Don't fall for it.

    Principled debate over strategy and analysis are essential to any movement for positive change.  But that is very different than lies, slander, and personal attacks.  With Goldsmith in particular, these attacks seem to be covering over and distracting from major differences about this fundamental truth: the Trump fascist regime cannot be contained, it must be stopped.  And the only way to stop it is to drive it from power through sustained, nonviolent determined protest centered in Washington, DC at the seat of power.  This is what the organization Refuse Fascism, involving people from different perspectives and viewpoints, has been tirelessly organizing people to do. 

    Three Essential Differences

    Central in Goldsmith's attack is a dishonest distortion about who Bob Avakian is and what his work and leadership are actually about. 

    Bob Avakian (or BA) is a revolutionary leader and the architect of the new communism.  He’s played a role in the revolutionary movement going back over 60 years now, to the Free Speech Movement in Berkeley and working closely with the Black Panther Party.  You can learn more about him, his work and his life here

    Here, we are going to focus on three crucial points at issue: how serious is this fascism; on what basis should the dividing lines within those fighting this fascism be drawn; and what does good leadership consist of.  As part of that, we’ll go into BA’s work on fascism, leadership and the importance of critical thinking so that people will actually have some basis to judge right and wrong.  We’ll also show how Goldsmith avoids original sources and instead relies on rumors and innuendo and why Goldsmith’s mode of attack is not only incredibly dishonest but dangerously irresponsible. 

    Difference number one: How dangerous and how consolidated IS this fascism?

    The single most important question facing people in this country today is the rapid imposition of fascism on America. 

    In his hit piece, Goldsmith talks about the “creeping normalization of fascist politics in America.” Creeping normalization”—sorry, but that ship sailed a long time ago. Creeping?” Please. As the Refuse Fascism call states, “Fascism is upon us.”

    It’s not creeping. It’s in power and moving to consolidate that power daily.  Do you want to deny the truth of what Bob Avakian said less than three months ago?

    If this fascist regime is allowed to remain in power, everything that decent people have felt they could rely on to seek justice will be brutally shut down...every uplifting moral value will be reviled and repressed...every sphere of society will be remade, in terrible ways, in line with the male supremacist, anti-LGBT, white supremacist and anti-immigrant cruelty and the anti-scientific, health and climate destroying madness of the Trump fascist regime and the bloodthirsty ravings and depraved violence of fanatics heading “the department of war,” with the deranged maniac Trump having his finger on the nuclear button.

    Every vision, and every active striving, for a better, more just world, for a future worth living in, will be violently suppressed and effectively foreclosed, at least for the foreseeable future.

    This is not hyperbole—it is the bitter reality that is being rapidly enforced.

    No, this didn’t happen overnight. Bob Avakian has studied the question of fascism in America, and he has written and spoken on it for 30 years.  He’s traced its development and scientifically analyzed its deep roots in American society, as well as the dynamics driving it. Go here from 2004, here from 2017, and here from two months ago to get a sense of the content, through-line and the development of this analysis.  So yes, not overnight, but way the hell away from “creeping”—and with Trump Two, all this has taken a further leap.

    A History of Attacks Which Serve to Hide the Real Difference

    Goldsmith hinges much of his argument on recycling old attacks on Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights, a national organization that revcom Sunsara Taylor founded along with abortion provider Merle Hoffman, feminist writer Lori Sokol and others.  What Goldsmith doesn't tell you is that the organizations who launched this attack were the same ones who refused to call for mass protest against the overturning of Roe v Wade. These groups focused only on distribution of abortion medication and abortion funds.  While both provide an essential service, this was a losing and defensive strategy.  In contrast, Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights called people into the streets with the aim of preventing the ripping away of the fundamental right to abortion nationwide. 

    The organizations that attacked Rise Up followed the longstanding line of the Democratic Party—minimizing the fascist danger, ceding the moral high ground to anti-abortion fanatics, compromising on women's lives, and working within the “normal channels” of this system, even as an illegitimate fascist-packed Supreme Court was ripping away basic rights, and the fascists were shredding those “normal channels.” 

    But, as Goldsmith does today, instead of openly debating out these differences over strategy and analysis, they relied on lies, slander and personal attacks to shut down this debate.

    And whatever the intention, Goldsmith's attack on Refuse Fascism serves the same goal: keeping people's thinking and actions confined to terms set by the “normal channels” of this system, even as once again and even more rapidly, those channels are being shredded.

    Goldsmith says he is seeking to protect the "Removal Coalition” from the "co-optation efforts" of Refuse Fascism.  The Removal Coalition is a relatively new grouping, started in June 2025.  Goldsmith writes: “Veterans, activists, and content creators gathered in Washington right now for the Remove the Regime rally have every reason to be proud. This is the kind of pro-democracy organizing we need more of—creative, strategic, and grounded in community.”

    But he does not speak to the important differences over strategy.  In writing about the three days of protest organized by the Removal Coalition on November 20-22, revcom.us wrote

    All this brought important energy and public pressure and opposition to Trump into the nation's capital and this is a positive contribution to the mass struggle that is needed to bring about the regime's removal. At the same time, while impeachment could be one means through which this demand is met, it is not the only means through which Trump could be nonviolently removed. Even more essential: it is unlikely in the extreme that it would be brought about without a massive, nonviolent, sustained struggle of millions demanding Trump's removal. Also, the terms and pacing of this struggle must not be set by congressional calendars and procedures; the pace of the fascist juggernaut is way too urgent for that. And while lobbying can certainly play a role, such activity cannot substitute for what must ultimately be millions in the streets in sustained nonviolent protest—centered in Washington, DC.

    Goldsmith Indulges Himself in Fantasy and Delusion in the Face of REAL Danger

    Goldsmith repeatedly downplays the extreme danger of Trump MAGA fascism, danger that is posed right now.  He does this in a recent video when he says that “Senator Mark Kelly is being investigated for sedition—and that’s a good thing.”  He paints a rosy scenario in which Kelly will certainly be acquitted and at the same time this will finally wake up the Democrats and, through a series of elections, allow for the threat of fascism to be crushed.  Goldsmith blinds himself to the actual threat being posed to Kelly and to the rapid and radical fascist-driven transformations of the officer corps and military justice system (that Goldsmith assumes will acquit Kelly). He refused to deal with the actual reasons the Democratic Party as a whole has up to now not resisted fascism, and to the great likelihood that the 2026 elections—if they happen at all—will be rigged by Trump and MAGA (a process already being set in motion). 

    Even if somehow this extremely complicated and extremely unlikely chain of events should come to pass, it is profoundly immoral to wait until the midterms while thousands of people are being chewed up and destroyed by Trumpian fascism and the whole planet is being imperiled. 

    So, that’s difference number one—“creeping normalization” and relying on the Democrats vs. coming to grips with the reality of the fascist transformation of America NOW.

    Difference number two: On what basis should the movement against fascism unite?

    Goldsmith further argues, “Opposition to fascism, on its own, is not a political compass. What matters is what they want in its place.” 

    To the contrary, at this time opposition to fascism is in fact the most important political dividing line in the country.  The single thing that has to unite millions—communists, Democrats, never-Trump Republicans, social democrats, all the decent people who refuse to capitulate to dark ages fascism—is the determination to drive the Trump fascist regime from power.  Whether you want to restore what you see as “the promise of America,” or whether like us you advocate for getting to a world “without everything America stands for and everything it does in the world,” we must come together behind one single unifying demand: The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go NOW!

    As Avakian has repeatedly argued for:

    Many individuals, organizations and groups will have different views on what has given rise to this fascism, and what should replace it, and we revcoms (revolutionary communists) will continue to forthrightly put forward and argue for our views on this, and encourage others to similarly put forward their own perspectives. But this must take place in the context and atmosphere where we are all pulling together to overcome every obstacle—including “divide and conquer” schemes, from whatever source and in whatever guise—uniting all who can be united, in the millions and millions, to achieve the truly historic goal of driving out this fascist regime.

    Part of Goldsmith's "warning" is that Avakian and the revcoms supposedly have sinister and nefarious goals in trying to unite with others, trying to "coopt" mass movements.  Aside from the capitalist mode of thinking that movements against oppression can be "owned," we have to ask: why is wanting to defeat fascism to restore the status quo seen as a legitimate position, but wanting to defeat fascism because you are driven by the interests of humanity all over the world to live free from exploitation and oppression is somehow suspect? 

    Last December, in a social media message Avakian predicted that this accusation might be made by "people looking for some reason, or excuse, not to rise to the challenge of defeating this fascism"

    I am not calling for a mass movement to defeat Trump/MAGA fascism as some kind of “gimmick” whose aim is not really to defeat this fascism but is to somehow “trick” people into supporting a revolution to overthrow the whole system. One of the most fundamental principles of the new communism I have developed is the need to consistently approach things in a serious, scientific way—and this means being open and honest about what our objectives are. As I said at the beginning, we revcoms (revolutionary communists, based on the new communism) are serious about defeating this fascism—because this fascism represents a very real horror not only for the people in this country but for people throughout the world.

    At the same time, as I have repeatedly emphasized, this fascism has been brought forth by—has grown out of the very soil of—the system of capitalism-imperialism and its development through the history of this countryBy its very nature, this system has continually brought forth horror after horror; and only an actual revolution can open the way to finally ending the terrible atrocity and needless suffering constantly caused by this system.

    We revcoms will continue to work urgently to win people, in the thousands and then millions, to see the need—and to act on the need—for revolution. If it turned out that a massive movement actually succeeded in defeating Trump/MAGA fascism, without that involving the revolutionary overthrow of the whole system of capitalism-imperialism, then we would certainly not somehow be “disappointed”! We would recognize the great importance of this victory, for the cause of humanity. And we would continue to work tirelessly to carry forward the struggle toward the goal of revolution which is necessary to end the endless horrors of this whole system of capitalism-imperialism, and bring into being a much better system—as set forth in the Declaration at revcom.us: WE NEED AND WE DEMAND: A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM.

    Difference number three: The question of leadership

    Without a real argument of substance to make, Goldsmith falls back on the favorite of those who want you to avoid engaging Bob Avakian, that the revcoms are a “cult.”  Avakian himself has spoken to this more than once, including why this kind of thing too easily gets over in the current culture. 

    Beyond that, though, one of the hallmarks of the new communism that Bob Avakian has brought forward is the recognition of the need for a scientific, evidence-based approach to understanding and radically changing the world. He argues for a process that fosters debate and dissent.  Speaking about the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America which Avakian authored, he said:

    It is a fact that, nowhere else, in any actual or proposed founding or guiding document of any government, is there anything like not only the protection but the provision for dissent and intellectual and cultural ferment that is embodied in this Constitution, while this has, as its solid core, a grounding in the socialist transformation of the economy, with the goal of abolishing all exploitation, and the corresponding transformation of the social relations and political institutions, to uproot all oppression, and the promotion, through the educational system and in society as a whole, of an approach that will “enable people to pursue the truth wherever it leads, with a spirit of critical thinking and scientific curiosity, and in this way to continually learn about the world and be better able to contribute to changing it in accordance with the fundamental interests of humanity.”

    Avakian goes on to say, in this same message (“Irresponsible Opportunist Distortions Should Not Be Allowed…”), 

    The principles and methods that have led to the development of the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America are also the basis and the guideline for how we revcoms approach working with many others, of different political perspectives, in order to unite all who can be united in massive, powerful, sustained and relentless non-violent struggle to defeat and remove the Trump fascist regime—which, from our perspective, is a crucial part of moving to bring about the revolution that will lead to the profoundly liberating system that is embodied in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, aiming for the emancipation of humanity as a whole from all systems and relations of exploitation and oppression everywhere in the world.

    This is what I and the revcoms actually stand for, and have dedicated our lives and efforts to fighting for. Honest questions or principled disagreement about this is welcome and can be the basis for meaningful discussion and debate—at the same time as everyone who refuses to accept a fascist America is united as a powerful force to meet the urgent need to defeat and remove the Trump fascist regime.

    That is the principle, clarity and urgency needed now.  As the fascist regime is moving so so quickly to lock down an all-out fascist America which threatens humanity and the planet, it is everyone's responsibility to not fall for dishonest divide-and-conquer schemes, and call these out when you see them. 

  • ARTICLE:

    In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the Movement

    The Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today

    Updated

    Did you know that from 1956 to 1971 the FBI conducted a program designed to foment conflict within revolutionary movements, as well as broader movements for reform—conflicts which not only crippled these movements, but served as a cover to carry out frame-ups and even outright murder of revolutionary fighters and activists?

    Did you know that they sent undercover people into these movements specifically to create or magnify conflicts? Did you know that they relied on unsubstantiated gossip and often inventions, as well as forged documents as part of their arsenal?

    Did you know that they took statements out of context to distort the real views of activists and revolutionary fighters and use these as pretexts for smear campaigns and attempted prosecutions?

    All this came to light in 1971, when some brave and heroic people appropriated the files revealing this program in a nighttime operation to go into an FBI office and bring these criminal activities by the government to light. As a result, many people in the movements of the time and even beyond, in broader society, adopted different standards for settling inevitable conflicts over politics and ideology in a principled way, and preventing the police, FBI and other government agencies from spreading slanders, fomenting conflicts and endangering the lives of people active in the struggle for justice.

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.

     

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.    Photo: AP

    Now, decades later, a new generation is way too unaware either of the FBI activities or the protocols widely adopted. We saw the results of this in 2022, with the vicious and very dangerous slander campaign that was launched against Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights, the revcoms, Bob Avakian and Sunsara Taylor. And now, in light of the heightened repression from Trump fascism and the low standards that exist among people broadly, we are reissuing this article.

    We urge people to read and spread the article below, and to insist on principled discussion and debate over disagreements and to oppose any dangerous campaigns of lies, disinformation and distortion.

    ~~~~~~~~~~~

    COINTELPRO was launched by the FBI in secret in 1956 in the context of the rising civil rights movement, and operations were later “signed on” to by the Kennedy administration. Its reach was broad and vicious. The FBI, working in sync with local police “Red Squads” (political police) wrote leaflets fomenting conflicts between different groups. They sent anonymous letters warning parents and school administrators of what their children and students were supposedly doing. They conducted police surveillance and repression against antiwar coffee houses opening near military bases. And those the FBI identified as leaders, in particular, were marked for “neutralization” by the FBI, a euphemism for being framed up on serious criminal charges or killed.

    One of the earliest, ugliest and most grievous FBI operations was against Malcolm X. We recently covered this, and we are including it here as a companion to this article.

    Going After Martin Luther King Through Personal Slander and Harassment

    One element in COINTELPRO attacks on the civil rights movement was the dissemination by the FBI of allegations about Martin Luther King’s sex life that had nothing to do with the struggle for civil rights, or debates within that movement or in society as a whole. The FBI bugged King’s bedroom(!) and then, directly or posing as “concerned individuals” sent supposed taped “evidence” to media outlets and others, including colleges where King was invited to speak, demanding he be disinvited. They even sent such a tape to his wife, Coretta Scott King, in the hope of causing anguish and breaking up the marriage.

    The FBI also circulated allegations that King’s movement had organizational and financial connections to communists, playing on anti-communist prejudices, to push (and provide an excuse for) white liberals and what the FBI identified as “the responsible Negro community” to stay away from the civil rights movement at a time when civil rights activists were being brutally attacked and murdered by police and the KKK, and as a cover for massive surveillance of the civil rights movement. Whether or not the authorities were directly involved in King’s murder in Memphis in 1968 as his family and close associates have insisted, the COINTELPRO operation created conditions that facilitated his assassination and was continued for a year after his death.

    WIKI-Mlk-suicide-letter-400.jpg

     

    Going After the Panthers: Fomenting Conflicts to Murder Leadership

    A major objective and focus of COINTELPRO was isolating and setting up the most revolutionary forces at the time, especially the Black Panther Party (BPP), for attack. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, in a secret memo, wrote to offices calling for “imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence measures aimed at crippling the BPP.” (Emphasis added.)

    As they did with Malcolm X (see the accompanying article), the FBI often focused on setting up others to do the actual dirty work. To take one notorious example, the FBI forged a letter, supposedly from someone in the community, to Jeff Fort, the leader of the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago gang at the time, claiming that the Black Panther Party was getting ready to move on him. In this case, in the climate of the times when there was both a broad culture of being alert to moves by the authorities to forge accusations to set people up, and when there was broad respect for the Panthers and the revolution, Fort decided the threatening letter was not credible. This letter was part of a larger COINTELPRO operation that set into motion events that led to the assassination of Panther leader Fred Hampton by Chicago police and the FBI in 1969.

    FredHamptonKilledHirez_AP691204082-400.jpg

     

    Chicago police with Fred Hampton's body.    Photo: AP

    In another COINTELPRO operation, the LA office of the FBI came up with a plan to forge a letter claiming the US Organization (United Slaves), which had been attacking the Panthers, believed that the BPP had a contract out to kill their leader. The LA FBI office wrote that the objective was for “this counterintelligence measure [to] result in an ‘US’ and BPP vendetta.” The operation was part of what led to the terrible murder of Black Panther leaders John Huggins and Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter by US members in Los Angeles.

    Black Panthers, Bunchy Carter and John Huggins

     

    Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, Black Panther leaders, murdered in 1969.   

    Again, there were real issues to resolve, questions to investigate, and debates to struggle out among those struggling for a different and better world in different ways, coming from different outlooks at the time, as now. The pattern and practice of COINTELPRO was to exploit these contradictions to twist them into vicious, destructive personal attacks, with an aim of disintegrating the movements for social change and an edge of isolating and setting up the most radical and revolutionary forces and leaders for what COINTELPRO documents euphemistically referred to as “neutralization.”

    Conclusion: don’t fall for—and don’t tolerate—the kinds of behavior that mimic what the FBI has used to destroy social movements. Call it out.

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.

     

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.   

    Identifying and Going After Bob Avakian Early On

    In his memoir, From Ike to Mao and Beyond, Bob Avakian (BA), who emerged as a revolutionary in the 1960s and today is leading the movement for revolution, talks about how he was a target for surveillance. At a demonstration, he was approached by the head of the Berkeley police “red squad” and told that he and the Revolutionary Union (the RU, which BA played a central role in founding) were under surveillance.

    BA has written about being in Chicago for the New Politics Convention and going back to his car and finding a guy who was “obviously from the Chicago red squad or the FBI” in a car behind his car “writing things down.” A Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) discovery revealed that the House of Representatives did a “whole report and investigation on the RU.” Another FOIA inquiry also showed that BA was under surveillance in Maywood, a suburb of Chicago, and that the FBI had made a diagram of the inside of his house, “indicating through which windows someone could see different things going on inside the house.” This was a similar type of diagram to that used by the FBI and the Chicago cops that enabled them to assassinate Fred Hampton, leader of the Chicago Black Panther Party.

    memoir-front.jpg

     

    Resources:

    The book The COINTELPRO Papers, by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall contains a vast collection of original FBI memos and reports including documentation for the incidents described in this article. It is available as an online PDF.

    This article draws on installments of the American Crime series at revcoms.us: American Crime Case #41: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the New Left, 1964-1971 and American Crime Case #42: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the Black Freedom Struggle, 1956-1971.

    An important letter drawing lessons for today from the COINTELPRO operation against Malcolm X: A Reflection on Piggery—Then and Now.

  • ARTICLE:

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 

    Trump/MAGA fascism is being aggressively imposed on this society in many horrifying ways, instilling fear and a pull towards cooperation with government authorities. One of the ways people are being confronted with this is in situations where people are stopped as they go about their daily business at school, work, or shopping for food and necessities. Right now, that is a living reality for people who are being targeted as “illegal” immigrants, based on how they look or talk. But there are other situations that can be equally frightening: like when someone is arrested at or in connection with a political protest, or when someone is being questioned by police when they don’t have any idea what it is about. In all cases, people need to know what is the best way to respond to prevent these government agencies from doing great harm

    In the popular culture in movies and TV shows, to the ever-present law-and-order shows of one kind or another, and even the news, all trumpet the same theme: if the police want to talk to you, you are already assumed to be guilty—of something. To exercise one's legal rights is viewed as further evidence of guilt; even the most basic right—getting a lawyer to defend oneself from the legal and illegal onslaught of cops, prosecutors and judges—is depicted with a sneer as "lawyering up," as though this shows you must be guilty or have something to hide. 

    Miranda Rights, four points.

     

    Sometimes you hear the police reading what’s called the Miranda warning (see box) to a person they are intending to interrogate, stating that you have the right to remain silent and the right to a lawyer. But then everything proceeds as though the person being questioned is showing their guilt by refusing to answer questions and getting a lawyer to represent them.

    But in real-life situations, the best advice lawyers give anyone who is being arrested, questioned or contacted in any way by the police is: DON’T TALK. 

    It is important for people to know what rights they DO have when agents of repression come sniffing around. And it is especially important to insist on those rights even as they are increasingly coming under attack. 

    Bob Avakian has spoken to this point in his social media message @BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #106:

    As we revcoms (revolutionary communists) have made clear in the Declaration WE NEED AND WE DEMAND: A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM: “So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution.”

    So, what rights based on the U.S. Constitution are supposed to apply whether during an arrest or in any contact with police or government agencies? How should people defend their rights individually and collectively, and what kind of culture is needed to resist the government forces of repression?

    The Right to Remain Silent—Don't Talk

    When facing agents of government repression (here we are talking about the local police and prosecutors, state or federal law enforcement or various government agencies), the principle of "Don't Talk" is an important legal principle overall, and it is crucial in fighting to protect the various movements of resistance and of revolution from government repression. This principle is stressed very strongly by criminal defense lawyers and civil rights organizations—you have a RIGHT to remain silent.

    Many legal rights organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and National Lawyers Guild (NLG), have published materials to inform people of their rights. The most important thing they all advise is to assert your right to NOT answer questions. 

    For example, the following is from a brochure published by the ACLU of Southern California

    WHAT TO DO IF YOU’RE STOPPED BY POLICE, IMMIGRATION AGENTS OR THE FBI:
    YOUR RIGHTS 

    • You have the right to remain silent. If you wish to exercise that right, say so out loud.
    • You have the right to refuse to consent to a search of yourself, your car or your home.
    • If you are not under arrest, you have the right to calmly leave.
    • You have the right to a lawyer if you are arrested. Ask for one immediately.
    • Regardless of your immigration or citizenship status, you have constitutional rights.

    And the National Lawyers Guild advises what to do if an FBI agent or police officer knocks at the door:

    Do not open the door. State that you are going to remain silent. Do not answer any questions, or even give your name. Anything you say, no matter how seemingly harmless or insignificant, can be used against you or others. Ask the agents to slide their business cards under the door and tell them that your lawyer will contact them. If the agent or officer gives a reason for contacting you, take notes and give the information to your lawyer.9 

    What Harm Can Talking Do?

    There are many myths and lies promoted in the dominant culture and by the police themselves which leave people confused and feeling they have no choice but to cooperate. This is absolutely wrong and dangerous to any movements of resistance from among the people. 

    Myth #1—Cooperating will make the authorities go away.

    In fact, it often does just the opposite. After all, if they size someone up as a "talker" or weak link, they'll milk this person for all the information they can get. They may return with more questions or continue this line of questioning with others.

    Myth #2—Talking will prevent being arrested.

    The authorities promote the illusion that a person should try to "save their own hide" by cooperating and talking. In reality, as the ACLU and NLG underscore, in many circumstances talking may increase the chances of a person being busted, and may be sealing the case against himself/herself as well as others.

    Myth #3—As long as the information provided is harmless, there's nothing wrong with talking.

    When people don't know their rights and talk freely to the authorities, this can do great harm—no matter what information they provide.

    First of all, because the person doesn't know the full agenda of the authorities, he/she has no basis to evaluate whether or not information is "harmless." Even if the authorities claim to be investigating something that has nothing to do with your politics or political activities (or those of others), appearances can be deceiving. The authorities can and will twist any information to their advantage.

    Secondly, the act of talking encourages the authorities to pursue this tactic and go after others.

    Finally, and most importantly, talking fuels the government's efforts to eliminate any movements of opposition and dissent, while standing firm and not talking as a matter of principle contributes to building a culture of resistance and defiance.

    Myth #4—If I don't cooperate, won't it look like I have something to hide?

    According to the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR),

    This is one of the most frequently asked questions. The answer involves the nature of political "intelligence" investigations and the job of the FBI. Agents will try to make you feel that it will "look bad" if you don't cooperate with them. Many people not familiar with how the FBI operates worry about being uncooperative…. (T)hey [the FBI] are intent on learning about the habits, opinions, and affiliations of people not suspected of wrongdoing....

    They will do anything to get a person to talk: from good cop/bad cop approaches (aimed at getting the person to "open up" to the more sympathetic cop) to threats and outright brutality. They also use "mind games" such as saying that others have already informed on a person; or even going so far as falsely telling someone a family member has died in order to get the person to let down his/her guard and reveal information about themselves or others.

    Any information that a person provides—no matter how seemingly insignificant—can be twisted and used against that person themselves, or against people and organizations who expose and oppose the crimes of this system. The government has a long history of lying about the facts and fabricating "evidence" in order to frame movement activists and revolutionaries. They take intelligence gathered from a variety of sources and use it in the most sinister ways, even including murder. Consequently, there is no reason to be in the least defensive about not talking to or cooperating with authorities.

    If a person thinks that he/she can just "bullshit" an agent, this too is a trap. The investigators are trained to be "friendly" and listen to people's stories. To quote a textbook on interrogation techniques, "Letting the subject tell a few lies, and letting him apparently get away with them, is an excellent technique, and works well with many types of subjects. We have seen that lying on the part of the subject works to the advantage of the interrogator...." The NLG has pointed out:

    Keep in mind that although they are allowed to lie to you, lying to a government agent is a crime. Remaining silent is not. The safest things to say are "I am going to remain silent," "I want to speak to my lawyer," and " do not consent to a search." [emphasis added]10

    Conclusion

    As spoken to throughout this article, as part of trying to beat down movements of resistance and of revolution, agents of the government (police, FBI, prosecutors, etc.) have developed methods to trick, intimidate and brutalize people into giving up legal rights and protections established by the legal system in this country. This basic dynamic and truth needs to be clearly understood, and if various organizations and movements are serious about the challenges they face, they need to grapple with how—mainly by relying on mass movements of the people—to resist such repression.

    History has shown that when the decent people refuse to concede the moral authority on what is right and what is wrong, they are better able to withstand repression and continue to develop resistance. If they do not take this approach, they find themselves in a situation where: That which you do not resist and mobilize to stop, you will learn—or be forced—to accept. Part of building a culture of defiance and resistance among people standing up against fascism and the crimes of this system is refusing to allow the government to either intimidate or bamboozle people into giving up resistance, and refusing in any way to enter into complicity with such intimidation and repression.

    In this context, the legal principles underlying "Don't Talk" take on heightened importance. Those confronted by police agents should not be bamboozled into giving up the legal rights they do have, as this will only lead to strengthening the repressive apparatus of the state, and help to undercut the ability to struggle against the crimes of this system and to build a movement for revolution to overthrow this system and bring about a fundamentally different and much better system. 

    Immigrant Legal Resource Center red cards

     

    Red Cards

    Red cards are being distributed by the thousands in immigrant communities throughout the country, advising people of their rights. This is the text of the “red cards.” 

    I do not wish to speak with you, answer your questions, or sign or hand you any documents based on my 5th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution. I do not give you permission to enter my home based on my 4th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution unless you have a warrant to enter, signed by a judge or magistrate with my name on it that you slide under the door. I do not give you permission to search any of my belongings based on my 4th Amendment rights. I choose to exercise my constitutional rights. These cards are available to citizens and noncitizens alike.

    • DO NOT OPEN THE DOOR if an immigration agent is knocking on the door.
    • DO NOT ANSWER ANY QUESTIONS from an immigration agent if they try to talk to you. You have the right to remain silent.
    • DO NOT SIGN ANYTHING without first speaking to a lawyer. You have the right to speak with a lawyer.
    • If you are outside of your home, ask the agent if you are free to leave and if they say yes, leave calmly.
    • GIVE THIS CARD TO THE AGENT. If you are inside of your home, show the card through the window or slide it under the door.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Operation Backfire: A Survival Guide for Environmental and Animal Rights Activists, National Lawyers Guild, 2009 [back]

    2. “Know Your Rights! What to Do if Questioned by Police, FBI, Customs Agents or Immigration Officers,” by National Lawyers Guild, S.F. Bay Area Chapter, ACLU of Northern California and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC-SF), 2004  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    What If People Had Listened?

    THE TRUMP/PENCE REGIME MUST GO!

    In the Name of Humanity
    We REFUSE to Accept a Fascist America
    A Better World IS Possible

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    What If People Had Listened?
    This talk was given in 2017, during the first Trump fascist regime, and it is all the more crucial now, with what Bob Avakian has referred to as the “second coming” of the Trump regime and this fascism now “on an unrestrained rampage.”
    See Q&A from the film, clips, and trailer.

    Listen to and read Avakian's most recent social media message: Revolution #141: The Time Is Urgently Upon Us Now—To Drive Out The Trump Fascist Regime! and join the mobilization for the Call from RefuseFascism.org, and open to all, for “The Fall of Trump Fascist Regime, November 5, Washington DC.

    We are confronted by—we are now being ruled by—a fascist regime: relentlessly assaulting civil rights and liberties and openly promoting bigotry and inequality; acting with callous disregard or cold-blooded malice toward those they consider inferior and a drain or stain on the country; on a mission to deny health care to millions who will suffer and many who will die without it; crudely degrading women, as objects of plunder, breeders of children without the right to abortion or birth control, subordinate to husbands and men in general; defying the science of climate change, attacking the science of evolution, and repudiating the scientific method overall; a regime brandishing an arsenal of mass destruction and threatening nuclear war; intensifying state terror against Muslims, immigrants and people in the inner cities; unleashing and giving encouragement and support to brutal thugs spewing vile “America First,” white supremacist, male supremacist and anti-LGBT venom—a regime that boasts of all this and declares its intention to do even worse.

    This has caused disgust, anger, and agonizing among huge numbers of people, and there have been many important acts of resistance, big and small, to the continuing outrages committed by this regime and its supporters. But the regime remains in power and is determined to ride roughshod over all obstacles to carry out its monstrous agenda; and the need for a massive outpouring of people, acting together nonviolently but with sustained determination, to create a political situation where this regime cannot remain in power—cries out.

    The organization Refuse Fascism (RefuseFascism.org) has put forward a call and a plan, and is actively building, for that mass mobilization, to begin on November 4.

    So this is the challenge we are facing. To meet this challenge there are big questions that need to be seriously engaged, even as people are moving to build momentum toward November 4.

    Donald Trump claims to have won the popular vote in the 2016 election. That is another of his Big Lies. But the fact is: It would have been a disgrace if just 10 people voted for this, or 10 thousand—but tens of millions did. Why? The fundamental answer lies in the whole history of this country and its role in the world.

    Did you know that the Constitution adopted by the founders of this country institutionalized the right of men to rape, at will? I had thought of beginning this talk with that statement—and then, in response to the gasps of shock and disbelief that such a statement should call forth, I could have said: No, the Constitution didn’t actually do that, but it did something no less horrific: institutionalizing the enslavement of millions of people. In fact, however, the Constitution adopted by the “founders” did legalize mass rape: Besides enshrining property relations in which men could legally rape their wives, the Constitution, by explicitly codifying the status of slaves as property, in effect established the “right” of the slaveowners to do anything they wished to their slaves, including raping the women. And slave women were raped, regularly and repeatedly, by their owners and overseers.

    Often, people who do not want to face the reality and the implications of this will argue: “We have to judge things by the standards of the time—people back then did not know better.” As they say in England: rubbish! For one thing, the slaves knew better! And there is the example of Edward Coles, who before becoming governor of Illinois was private secretary to James Madison (the main author of the U.S. Constitution): Coles freed his own slaves and tried to convince Madison and Thomas Jefferson (author of the Declaration of Independence) to do the same. They refused, but you can’t say nobody knew better back then! It is true—Madison and Jefferson (and, yes, Hamilton!) belong to a past time—and it is long past time that we move beyond what they represent.

    The terrible truth is that, with some notable exceptions (including the very significant exception of the generation that came of age in the 1960s), white people overall have either been directly involved in, or have supported or at least passively accepted all this throughout the history of this country. During the whole time of slavery. During the decades of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, when repeatedly Black people, in particular Black men, who did not “know their place”—or sometimes without even knowing why, angered some white person—would be lynched, while crowds of white people would gather in a “picnic” atmosphere, vying to get parts of the mutilated body of the Black person hanging from a tree, and photographs of this were turned into postcards that were sold throughout the country. Yes, this is true—the ugly, shameful truth. Today, with the repeated murders of Black people by police, in the rare instances when the murdering cop is indicted, there are white people who sit on juries and refuse to convict. And still too many white people who claim to care about justice, and will take to social media to denounce far less outrageous and sometimes even trivial acts, cannot find it in themselves to be outraged and moved to act about this! If the police wantonly shot down dogs, over and over again, there would be a huge outcry throughout society, including from people who are silent, or make excuses, when this is done to human beings of darker skin.

    Now, it would be wrong, and harmful, to ignore the fact that there are white people, in particular younger white people (but others as well), who have taken to the streets to protest these murders by police, and who have put forward the stand: White silence is violence, it is complicity in murder. This is, of course, a good thing—and it needs to happen much more, on a much greater scale. But, given the actual history of this country, down to today, does it really make sense to insist, as some people still stubbornly do, that “fascism couldn’t happen here, not in this country, with our democracy and our great traditions”?!

    It is, however, very important to dig into the question: How did things come to this point, where we are confronting the real horror of a fascist America? Here, told briefly, is the “longer story,” the broader history that has led to this.

    Thousands of years ago, human beings, who had lived for tens of thousands of years before in small hunting and gathering societies, settled on land and carried out farming and domestication of animals, particularly in the “fertile crescent” of the eastern Mediterranean and Middle East areas. With this came the emergence of class division, the polarization between rich and poor, powerful and powerless, including the patriarchal oppression of women by men. As this way of life spread and took hold in large parts of the world, ancient civilizations and empires arose—for example, in India, Egypt, China, Persia, Greece and Rome, and then, centuries later, the Islamic empire, covering a large territory in the Middle East and parts of Asia, Africa, and Europe. While built on plunder and oppression, they nevertheless brought forth many great achievements in architecture, art, music, the development of language and literature, science and other spheres. But the history of the rise of empires has also been the history of their decline and fall—because of contradictions and conflicts within them and because of invasions from outside forces, themselves driven by their own contradictions, conflicts and challenges.

    This went on for thousands of years. But then, several hundred years ago, something dramatically new emerged: the development of the capitalist system. This is a far more dynamic system than previously existed in human history—a system driven by its own internal contradictions to constantly expand, to continually transform the technological basis on which it operates, to repeatedly intensify the exploitation of people on which its profits rest. And, again as a result of the contradictions and conflicts within and between different countries, and the rise and fall of different powers, it just so happened that it was mainly in Europe that capitalism first took hold and emerged as a dominant force on the world stage. This was accomplished, in its very foundation, through the most horrendous means. Karl Marx, the founder of communism, described, with bitter irony, the “rosy dawn” of capitalism: the massive hunting of slaves in Africa, shipping them in chains, in the millions, to be worked mercilessly in the Americas; the conquest of the original peoples in South America and their enslavement unto death in the gold and silver mines there; and atrocities of a similar kind that fed countless human beings, in far-flung parts of the world, into the relentless machinery of an ever-expanding capitalism. This, as well as brutal exploitation, including child labor, within these capitalist countries themselves, was the basis on which “western civilization” made leaps in its development and became the dominating force in the world, economically, militarily, politically, and culturally.

    Capitalism, through all the horrors it has brought about, including two world wars and countless other armed conflicts, has in fact laid the basis for a whole new leap, beyond relations of exploitation and oppression, and the madness of war and environmental destruction; but, at the same time—and this is now posed in very stark and acute terms—this system of capitalism stands as the greatest obstacle to this advance, and human society everywhere is straining against the confines in which capitalism continues to enchain human existence.

    This puts in proper perspective and sharply refutes the racist notion of “the superiority of western (that is, white European) civilization” and the idea that somehow capitalism is the highest form of existence that human beings can attain and should aspire to.

    And here is the “shorter story,” the more particular reasons why things have come to this crossroads in this country, with potentially disastrous consequences for human beings everywhere.

    The USA is a country which established its territory and built the foundation of its wealth through the armed conquest of land, genocide, slavery, and ruthless exploitation of successive waves of immigrants to America. And it has continued as a country marked by white supremacy, patriarchy and male supremacy, and other oppressive divisions, while expanding its domination into an empire stretching across the globe, sitting atop a lopsided world of profound inequalities and plunder of the environment (it would take the resources of nearly 5 earths for the rest of world to have the kind of “consumer society” that exists in the U.S.)—all this backed up and enforced by a massive machinery of death and devastation, the U.S. military, and reinforced with a constant barrage of ideas and culture rationalizing and justifying all this oppression and destruction, propagated through an equally massive machinery of molding public opinion. Today, while the U.S. is, and loudly proclaims itself to be, the world’s number one superpower, it is riddled with sharpening contradictions, and facing growing challenges, within the country and internationally, and this has brought forth a fascist regime that now holds the reins of power, with the finger of a demented bully on the nuclear button—a regime that, without exaggeration, threatens not just greatly heightened suffering for the masses of humanity but the very existence of humanity itself.

    So this poses sharply the immediate, urgent challenge we face.

    Calling this regime fascist is not an “insult” but speaks to the terrible reality. On the website revcom.us this explanation regularly appears:

    “Fascism is the exercise of blatant dictatorship by the bourgeois (capitalist-imperialist) class, ruling through reliance on open terror and violence, trampling on what are supposed to be civil and legal rights, wielding the power of the state, and mobilizing organized groups of fanatical thugs, to commit atrocities against masses of people, particularly groups of people identified as ‘enemies,’ ‘undesirables,’ or ‘dangers to society.’

    “At the same time—and this can be seen through studying the examples of Nazi Germany and Italy under Mussolini—while it will likely move quickly to enforce certain repressive measures in consolidating its rule, a fascist regime is also likely to implement its program overall through a series of stages and even attempt at different points to reassure the people, or certain groups among the people, that they will escape the horrors—if they quietly go along and do not protest or resist while others are being terrorized and targeted for repression, deportation, ‘conversion,’ prison, or execution.”

    Refuse Fascism has published as a pamphlet, and posted on RefuseFascism.org, material that can be made into portable panels outlining the outrages already committed by the Trump/Pence regime, as well as what they are preparing to do (and what they have called forth from the thugs they have encouraged and unleashed), in their attacks on Muslims, immigrants, civil liberties, women and LGBTQ people, on the environment and on the people of the world, and what they have done to reinforce and fortify white supremacy, police brutality, and mass incarceration. It is very striking how far things have already gone, and how much worse they are bound to get, if this regime is allowed to remain in power and fully implement its agenda.

    One of the most distinguishing and significant features of this particularly American version of fascism is the “unholy alliance” between Trump and fundamentalist Christian Fascists. As I pointed out in another recent talk:

    “Trump, I think it’s fair to say, could not have won the election if the Christian Fascists ... not only if they had opposed him, but if they’d been unenthusiastic about him ....And ... even when the ... pussy-grabbing thing came out, they didn’t turn against him (...Jerry Falwell, Jr. and all these others)—because they recognized: “Here is somebody who is going outside of the whole rules and the way this is done in the ‘swamp of Washington,’ who will actually carry through on this stuff [like outlawing abortion and suppressing gay people].”... And Trump, for his part, recognized that if he didn’t get this force behind him, he was not going to be able to do it....

    “Pence is obviously a critical linchpin in this ... uniting of what’s represented by Trump ... and the Christian Fascists.... [T]he regular bourgeois institutions, ... like CNN, the Democratic Party and so on, ... they keep saying: ‘He can’t do that, that’s not the way things are done.’ But then [Trump] does it, because he’s not playing by those rules. He’s not working within the norms as they’ve been. He is going directly up against them, precisely as an important part of what he’s doing.”

    And, while Pence plays a very important role in all this, he is far from the only Christian Fascist in this regime. Besides the appointment of Neil Gorsuch, who is himself a Christian Fascist, to the Supreme Court—re-establishing, after the death of Antonin Scalia, the right-wing majority on the Court—Trump’s cabinet is full of these Christian Fascists.

    Perhaps it seems harsh, or even extreme, to refer to these fundamentalist Christians as fascists. Well, in Katherine Stewart’s book The Good News Club, The Christian Right’s Stealth Assault on America’s Children, she cites these comments by Rich Lang, himself a former Christian fundamentalist, who broke with that and became a liberal Christian pastor:

    “When I was born again [Lang recalls], faith was something inside of you, something you were supposed to reflect through your life. But in the 1980s, something happened. Fundamentalist Christianity jumped back into the public square with the intention to reshape the country as a Christian nation as defined by them....

    “It’s no different than the Nazis wanting to start with the Hitler Youth. That is where you’d want to start if you were trying to build a fascist movement....

    “That’s the word, ‘fascism.’ Nobody likes to use it in this country. But I believe that in this country, underneath the appearances, that is exactly the great temptation of our time. ...[A]nd you have to call it what it is—‘Christian Fascism.’”

    Stewart further summarizes Lang’s views this way: “Modern fundamentalism, like fascism in earlier times, he says, involves a strong feeling of persecution, typically at the hands of godless liberals or a religious ‘other’; the belief that one belongs to a pure race or national group that is responsible for past greatness, suffers unjust oppression in the present, and is the rightful ruler of the world; the impulse to submit unquestioningly to absolute authority; and the relentless drive for power and control. It is, he says, a kind of supremacist movement, with religion rather than race at its core.”

    And there is this chilling statement by Lang:

    “People have no idea it’s going on....

    “What does it mean that the conservative church that’s growing in America is an end-times church? What does it mean that we are raising a generation of children to believe that they are the last generation? What is going to happen if we keep on telling them, ‘Don’t care about the environment, and bring on the war, because we’re going to be lifted out of here, and you can forget about loving your neighbors, because they’re just going to get blown away?’”

    So, that is the insight of someone very familiar with these Christian Fascists. And the fact is that, in this country, with its whole history of genocide, slavery and racism, any form of fascism, including one basing itself on “Christian supremacy”—any urge to “restore past greatness”—cannot help but be bound together with white supremacy.

    The Republican Party has been moving in a fascist direction since the late 1960s, with further leaps since then to becoming more and more openly fascist.

    In running for President in 1968, Richard Nixon adopted what has been called the “southern strategy,” which the Republican Party has followed ever since. This is a direct appeal to white supremacy—to the racism of white people, particularly (though not only) in the southern states, who are enraged that Black people are not “staying in their place.”

    The Republican Party is not “the Party of Lincoln”—as it sometimes demagogically claims to be—it has become much more the Party of the Confederacy.

    With Ronald Reagan, the Republican Party took another leap on the road of fascism. Reagan very deliberately began his campaign for president in 1980 in Philadelphia, Mississippi, where in 1964, three civil rights workers were kidnapped and brutally murdered by white supremacists. There, in Philadelphia, Mississippi, Reagan proclaimed his support for “states rights,” which, particularly in the South, have long been code words for white supremacist lynch-mobism.

    And after George W. Bush took things still further in a fascist direction—including the open use of torture and the active promotion of Christian fundamentalism—the Trump/Pence regime has made the leap into all-out fascism.

    There is a direct line from the Confederacy to the fascists of today, and a direct connection between their white supremacy, their open disgust and hatred for LGBT people as well as women, their willful rejection of science and the scientific method, their raw “American First” jingoism and trumpeting of “the superiority of western civilization” and their bellicose wielding of military power, including their expressed willingness and blatant threats to use nuclear weapons, to destroy countries.

    The truth—another terrible truth that must be faced—is that, in the context of profound and acute contradictions that are asserting, or re-asserting, themselves in ways that are tearing at the very fabric and deepening cracks in the foundation of this country, at the same time as the American empire is facing serious challenges internationally, fascism is one possible resolution of this, on the terms of this system and its ruling class, even as this is a horror for humanity.

    While the Constitution does establish the separation of church and state—and the Christian Fascists are wrong, or simply lying, when they insist that the founding documents of this country established it as a “Christian nation”—the reality is that Christianity has all along been the unofficial state religion of this country, and the country’s identity, throughout its history, has been as a “white Christian nation,” grounded in male supremacy as well as white supremacy and driven by a “manifest destiny” to dominate not only the continent of North America but ultimately the world as a whole. All this has been brought into question, and has become the focus of intense struggle, going back to the 1960s and, in some important ways, back to the Civil War. And while developments internationally, including the demise of the Soviet Union, have given further impetus to the globalization of the capitalist world economy, this very heightened globalization has propelled changes that have sharpened contradictions within the U.S. as well as on the world level, particularly with an emerging capitalist China mounting a challenge to U.S. global economic dominance, at the same time as this heightened globalization, under conditions of western imperialist domination, has wreaked havoc in countries throughout the Third World, including the Middle East (and other places where Islam is the prevailing religion), adding fuel to a virulent Islamic fundamentalism that has declared war on the “decadent West” and on “infidels” and others oriented toward the West and facilitating its imperial domination.

    In order to bring about any positive resolution to all this, even short of abolishing and moving beyond this whole system, it is necessary and crucial to break with the “normal routine” and the “normal workings” of the political process.

    Paul Krugman, a Nobel Prize winning economist, recently wrote that, faced as we are with the gravity of the growing climate crisis, those now ruling us may end up destroying civilization because of their willful ignorance and opposition to the scientific method. This was said very seriously, and it is deadly serious. Speaking to this, in “A Question, A Challenge for Paul Krugman, And All Those Concerned About the Future of Humanity,” I emphasized the importance of refusing “to simply hope that the ‘normal workings’ of a process that has brought these people to their ruling position will somehow prevent them from acting in accordance with their ‘willful ignorance,’ and worse.” But why do many people still stubbornly cling to such false hopes?

    Thomas Frank is the liberal author of a book with the catchy title What’s the Matter With Kansas?—How Conservatives Won the Heart of America. But the more important question is: What’s the matter with liberals?

    Well, it is important, first of all, to draw the distinction between ruling class “liberals” and “regular” liberals. As for “liberals” of the ruling class, what is “the matter” with them is something I will get to shortly. But for those who are not part of the ruling class, the “matter” is that, although they are willing to admit that there are real problems in this country and they would like to have a more just society, and world, many resist recognizing the systematic and systemic nature of the injustices, and they fear the conflict, turmoil and chaos that could be set loose by a determined struggle against this. Even as they do have a sense of the horrors that the Trump/Pence regime represents, too many are caught up in thinking that amounts to this: “I am hoping, and by staying within the established ‘norms’ I am gambling on the hope, that the horrors don’t hit me and those I most care about.” This, it has to be said, is politically as well as morally bankrupt, and will only contribute to the impending disaster. It used to be a common saying: To the person of the Right, order is more important than justice, while for the person of the Left, it is the opposite. Now, the question is put squarely to liberals, and really to everyone: Which, after all, is more important: Order, even if that is the order of fascism, with everything that means? Or justice, even if that means stepping outside of our “comfort zone,” and putting ourselves on the line to prevent this fascism from consolidating its rule and fully implementing its program?

    Another dangerous illusion is the notion that, particularly for Black people, what is happening now is just more of the same. Yes, the history of this country is the history of unspeakable atrocities committed against Black people, as well as others—but what we are facing now, with this fascist regime, is the heightened possibility not just that this oppression will be carried to genocidal extremes, and that the masses of people everywhere will be subjected to previously unseen horrors, but that the human species itself will be wiped out.

    In confronting and moving to prevent this, one of the biggest obstacles standing in the way, and weighing people down, is American chauvinism—the disgusting notion that America and Americans are better and more important than everybody else. This is a poison infecting people broadly in this country, even among the bitterly oppressed, and there is a great need for people to break with this American chauvinism. Free yourself from the GTF!—the Great Tautological Fallacy. A fallacy: an idea, or a way of thinking, that is false, wrong. A tautology: a round-in-a-circle way of reasoning that asserts something and then claims to prove it by merely asserting the same thing again. So, the Great Tautological Fallacy to which I am referring is the notion that America is a force for good in the world, and therefore whatever it does is good (or at least done with “good intentions”), even if the same thing when done by other forces, especially forces opposed to “us,” is bad, is evil—because... because America is a force for good in the world. Thus, in the grip of the Great Tautological Fallacy, when one is told by the authorities in government and the media, etc., that North Korea developing a small number of nuclear weapons and a few long-range ballistic missiles poses a “grave threat,” one does not question, one does not ask why that is a “grave threat,” while the only country ever to use nuclear weapons, the United States, having thousands of nuclear weapons and the capability to use them, anywhere in the world, is somehow not a grave threat. Under the influence of the Great Tautological Fallacy, one does not stop to think about the fact that, in this situation, North Korea could only be developing this weaponry as an attempt to deter an attack from the United States—for North Korea’s leaders know that if they initiated an attack, they would face massive, overwhelming retaliation—and from the point of view of the imperial rulers of the United States, such a possibility of deterrence is precisely the problem, because it could in some measure limit the ability of the U.S. to dominate and dictate.

    Here is another example: Recently, Chelsea Manning, a former solider, who took great risk and spent years in prison for exposing, among other things, war crimes by the U.S. military in Iraq, was extended an invitation to be a lecturer in an academic program at Harvard University. But then, when some government officials and others, including Mike Pompeo, objected and threatened to pull out of the program, Harvard disinvited Manning. Well, who is Mike Pompeo? He is the head of the CIA—an “intelligence” arm of the U.S. government which, without exaggeration, is an instrument of murder on a mass scale. Going back to the 1950s, and through succeeding decades, the CIA has worked through right-wing butchers, in countries such as Iran, Guatemala, Chile, Indonesia, and many others, to pull off coups that have removed popular governments from power and replaced them with murderous reactionary dictatorships. More than a million people have been slaughtered as a result of these actions by the CIA. But, through the lens of the Great Tautological Fallacy, the head of the CIA is a respected figure, and his denunciations of Chelsea Manning can cause Manning to be ousted from the program to which she was invited at Harvard.

    Of great help in casting off the Great Tautological Fallacy is the “American Crime” series that appears regularly on revcom.us—where you can get a beginning sense of the scope and the depth of the atrocities that have been carried out, here and all over the world, by the rulers of this country, from the beginning and down to today.

    But from childhood we are indoctrinated with the notion that America is a shining light of freedom, and the President of the United States is “the leader of the free world.” Well, when has this been true? Was it true during all the years of slavery? Or during the long years of Jim Crow segregation after the Civil War, when thousands of Black people were lynched while leering mobs of white racists celebrated, and Black people as a whole were subjected to constant terror? Is this a shining light of freedom now, when Black people have to take to the streets demanding “Stop Killing Us!” because the police kill a thousand people every year, many of them unarmed, especially Black people, Latinos, and Native Americans? When millions of women are battered and huge numbers are raped every year in this country, is this a shining light to the world? And what is this “free world?” Does it include the countries where the U.S. has backed and armed military juntas and other oppressive dictatorships, with their bloodthirsty death squads terrorizing the people, over the last 100 years and more, throughout Latin America and many other parts of the world? Does it include today countries such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey—all “allies” of the U.S. and all ruled by brutally repressive governments? Or what about the Philippines, where the government has carried out the cold-blooded murder of more than 10,000 people within the last year, and the head of state, Duterte, openly boasts of this? Does the “free world” include Israel, a nuclear-armed state that has occupied Palestinian land, in flagrant violation of UN resolutions, for 50 years, and forcibly maintains over a million Palestinian people in Gaza in what amounts to an open-air prison, living barely above survival level, and subject to repeated bombardment by Israeli armed forces, which in 2014, with full support from the U.S. government (headed then by Obama), killed over 2,000 people in Gaza, the overwhelming majority civilians, hundreds of them children. Is all this the “free world” of which the U.S. is the leader? Once you remove the blinders of the Great Tautological Fallacy, it can be seen that the “free world” simply means those parts of the world that are under the domination of, or are “friendly” to, the United States, no matter how monstrous their ruling classes may be, while the “non-free world” is made up of those who remain outside of, and especially those who pose opposition or obstacles to, the domination of the U.S. empire.

    The U.S. government wages war in Africa and Asia, as well as the Middle East, claiming it is fighting to defend civilization against the brutal and murderous Islamic fundamentalist jihadists. But the imperialists of the U.S. are certainly no less brutal and murderous, and the “civilization” they boast of is literally built on the blood and bones of people all over the world. And why is this Islamic fundamentalism such a force now? Fundamentally because of the workings of capitalist imperialism itself. Besides the overall role of imperialism in creating more favorable soil for these Islamic fundamentalists, actions of the U.S. imperialists have further fed their growth.

    In the 1980s, the U.S. actually armed and built up Osama bin Laden and other Islamic fundamentalists to strike at the Soviet Union in Afghanistan.

    In 2003, in violation of international law, the U.S. invaded Iraq to overthrow the head of government there, Saddam Hussein. This invasion was carried out under the cover of lies that Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. This invasion, and the occupation of Iraq by American forces that followed, caused hundreds of thousands of deaths, set off bloody conflicts among the Iraqi people and created more fertile ground for Islamic fundamentalist forces.

    And the same thing happened in Libya. Under the presidency of Barack Obama, and with the insistent urging of then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the U.S. intervened in a conflict within Libya on the side of forces opposed to the long-time ruler Muammar Qaddafi. With the fall of Qaddafi—which was brought about mainly as a result of massive bombing of his forces by the U.S. and its allies—the rivalries and conflicts within Libya were intensified, and Islamic fundamentalist forces gained strength.

    Or take the case of Iran. In 1953, the CIA engineered a coup that overthrew a popular government that was moving to nationalize the oil of the country, so that it could be used for the development of its economy, instead of being controlled and plundered by the U.S. and Britain. This coup brought the Shah of Iran to power, and the people of Iran suffered decades of torment and torture at the hands of the Shah and his secret police. And, here again, these actions of the U.S. created more favorable ground for the forces of Islamic fundamentalism, which ultimately seized power through the revolution that overthrew the Shah in 1979.

    These are only a few examples of the American crimes that have been committed, and the kinds of consequences that have followed from these crimes, in countries all over the world. And all this underlines the crucial importance of casting off the blinders of the Great Tautological Fallacy and breaking with American chauvinism. We need to think about humanity, first and above all.

    During the 1960s, a whole generation (or a large and defining part of that generation) broke with American chauvinism, cast off the Great Tautological Fallacy and, at the cost of real sacrifice, dared to stand up against the atrocities committed, here and throughout the world, by the rulers of this country, and fight for a better world. Unfortunately, all too many (though not all!) of that generation have become disoriented and have allowed themselves to become, as the French say, “récupérer”—that is, they have come back under the wing of the ruling class, in particular its “liberal” representatives in the Democratic Party, and have far too much accepted things on the terms of a system they once, very rightly, recognized as viciously criminal. But now, when the workings of this system have brought this fascist regime to power, there is, more than ever, a profound and urgent need for people, of all generations, to finally and thoroughly break with American chauvinism, and act in the interests of humanity.

    Here is another important statement that can be found on revcom.us:

    “The Democrats, along with the New York Times and the Washington Post, etc., are seeking to resolve the crisis with the Trump presidency on the terms of this system, and in the interests of the ruling class of this system, which they represent. We, the masses of people, must go all out, and mobilize ourselves in the millions, to resolve this in our interests, in the interests of humanity, which are fundamentally different from and opposed to those of the ruling class.”

    Why is it that the Democrats can only try to resolve this on the terms of the system—and for that reason cannot offer any alternative that is in our interests, in the interests of humanity?

    Why are they determined to keep things within the “established norms” and “acceptable limits.”

    We can turn to the words of Barack Obama, shortly after Trump won the electoral college vote. We, Democrats and Republicans, are on the same team, Obama insisted. And he made a point of saying that we should wish Trump well and help him succeed because his success is success for all of us. Well, we can say that here Obama was telling an important truth—ultimately and fundamentally they are all on the same team—which explains why the Democratic Party will only oppose what the Trump/Pence regime is doing within narrow limits, and always in the interests of the “team” of which they are all a part. And, really, we should all help Trump succeed with his fascist agenda, because a “successful” fascism will be good for all of us? Only with the perverted logic of the system all these politicians serve, and with the poisonous outlook of American chauvinism, could anyone put forward such a position!

    Like the Republicans, the Democrats believe in the superiority of the capitalist system of exploitation and the “exceptional greatness” of America and its empire.

    They champion a brave new world of “21st century globalization,” which rests on a vast network of sweatshops where people, including children, slave long hours for near-starvation wages.

    They firmly believe in the right of America to dominate the world—and to overturn governments, bomb countries and slaughter people to do so—but they say it should be done with the cooperation of allies and in the name of “making the world more free, orderly and peaceful.”

    They will talk about “diversity” and “inclusiveness” while actually acting to maintain the fundamental relations of inequality and oppression that are hallmarks of this country, because those relations are built into this system and it could not exist or function without them.

    In short, even with their real differences with the Republicans, they represent and serve the same system—the system whose “normal workings” have now brought fascists to power.

    It will only make things worse, and work against what needs to be done to put an end to this nightmare, if people are taken in when Trump appears, for a moment, to be “more reasonable” and is praised by his ruling class opponents for being “more presidential,” or when they treat him as a miserably failing clown, or an egomaniac with no ideology or program, while he forges ahead with his fascist agenda. Hitler, too, while perpetrating monstrous atrocities, and preparing to do even worse, became skilled at “normalizing” this at each step and at times “toned down” his rhetoric. This fed illusions that too many wanted desperately to cling to.

    Upon coming to power, Hitler moved to crush the communists, because of his deep hatred for communism and because the communists were the most powerful organized opposition to the Nazis. Early in the Nazi regime’s rule, the Reichstag (German parliament building) was burned down and, although there are indications that the Nazis themselves were responsible for this, they blamed the communists, and seized on this situation to round up communists and declare emergency measures eliminating or severely restricting rights and liberties, measures which they moved to make permanent. A group of communists was charged with burning down the Reichstag—but the trial actually resulted in the acquittal of most of them, including the prominent communist Georgi Dimitrov. Many people wanted to believe: If communists are acquitted in court proceedings in these circumstances, surely that shows that the “separation of powers” and the remaining institutions of democracy can still “work” to contain and restrain Hitler. These kinds of illusions fed political paralysis and undermined the kind of massive resistance that might have ousted the Nazis from power, before they were able to force the reorganization of society in line with their barbaric outlook and aims, and go on to commit atrocities on a scale few would have thought possible when the Nazis first came to power.

    So, it is crucial to correctly understand, and respond to, the maneuvers of the fascist regime in power now in this country and the conflicts among the powers-that-be. As the statement on revcom.us, about why the “liberal” section of the ruling class cannot resolve this crisis in our interests, goes on to say:

    “This, of course, does not mean that the struggle among the powers-that-be is irrelevant or unimportant; rather, the way to understand and approach this ... is in terms of how it relates to, and what openings it can provide for, ‘the struggle from below’—for the mobilization of masses of people around the demand that the whole regime must go, because of its fascist nature and what the stakes are for humanity.”

    This brings us again to Refuse Fascism and November 4. As the publication from Refuse Fascism, “NOV. 4—IT BEGINS” explains:

    “RefuseFascism.org is a movement of people coming from diverse perspectives, united in our recognition that the Trump/Pence regime poses a catastrophic danger to humanity and the planet and that it is our responsibility to drive them from power. This means working and organizing with all our creativity and determination toward Nov. 4 when many thousands of people will fill the streets of cities and towns, beginning a struggle that must continue day after day and night after night, eventually involving millions of people, demanding: This Nightmare Must End: The Trump/Pence Regime Must Go!

    As I also emphasized in the “Paul Krugman” article:

    “People who hold many divergent points of view must come together and act politically, in what is really a meaningful and powerful way, to deal with the looming—in fact the ongoing—disaster embodied in this Trump/Pence regime, because of its willful opposition to the scientific method and its utter disregard for and repeated trampling on the truth, because of its overt white supremacy and misogyny, its xenophobic and bigoted attacks on immigrants, Muslims and LGBT people, its raw ‘America First’ jingoism and the grave danger it poses to human existence through its predatory approach to the environment and bellicose wielding of military power, including its expressed willingness and brazen threats to use nuclear weapons.”

    Many people who deeply hate everything Trump is about, have nonetheless raised: If we drive out Trump, then we’ll just get Pence, and if anything he is even worse. But that reflects still too much being confined within, and weighed down by, the “normal way” of doing things, which is precisely the trap that people have to break out of in their millions and millions. It is a matter of driving out the whole Trump/Pence regime through massive and sustained political mobilization and resistance from below, changing the whole political landscape, the whole political situation, culture and atmosphere in society. If, and as, this begins to happen on the scale and with the determination that is needed, this, in turn, will have significant repercussions among the ruling political forces, creating or deepening cracks and divisions among them and forcing at least sections of the “liberal” ruling class forces to pretend to recognize the legitimacy of what this mass mobilization is demanding, while at the same time seeking to co-opt it and bring it back within the normal and “acceptable” channels and positions. This, in turn, must be responded to by seizing on the further openings that are created by all this, to draw even greater numbers of people into massive and sustained mobilization. And this overall dynamic must be continued, amplified and accelerated toward the goal of actually driving out this regime before it can fully consolidate its rule and implement its program.

    Thousands must be organized to take to the streets in cities all over the country, beginning on November 4, overcoming fear and feeling the strength of their common cause and action, and their common aspiration and determination, making clear their resolve to not just make a statement but to continue—and, more than that, to spread and multiply their numbers and impact—until millions have been mobilized and refuse to stop until the demand has been met: This Nightmare Must End: The Trump/Pence Regime Must Go! Preparations must be made, logistically as well as politically, so that this mobilization can be sustained and can continue to expand and gain strength, so that the spirit, the determination and courage of those involved can be lifted and reinforced, while growing numbers of people, from broad and diverse sections of society, can be involved and can provide support and assistance. This is the great cause and the great movement to which all those who REFUSE to accept a fascist America must apply their energy and creativity to make a reality, now and moving forward to November 4, and beyond.

    A Better World IS Possible!

    In the most fundamental sense, only a thorough transformation of society, through a revolution to break the hold of this system and bring into being a completely different economic and political system, geared to meeting the needs of the people, for basic necessities and for a stimulating and inspiring intellectual and cultural life, seeking the truth through scientific means and giving flight to creativity and imagination, with new relations among people that do away with all oppressive divisions—only this can bring an end to the unnecessary suffering that is continually inflicted on the masses of humanity and make possible a world where human beings can truly flourish.

    Going back to the foundation of this country and the decisive role that slavery played in its rise as a capitalist power, and reflecting on the historical development of not just this country but human society more broadly, I have pointed to this profound reality:

    There is the potential for something of unprecedented beauty to arise out of unspeakable ugliness: Black people playing a crucial role in putting an end, at long last, to this system which has, for so long, not just exploited but dehumanized, terrorized and tormented them in a thousand ways—putting an end to this in the only way it can be done—by fighting to emancipate humanity, to put an end to the long night in which human society has been divided into masters and slaves, and the masses of humanity have been lashed, beaten, raped, slaughtered, shackled and shrouded in ignorance and misery.”

    Within the framework and limits of this talk, it is not my purpose, nor is it possible, to go deeply into the analysis of why this system cannot be reformed but must be abolished through revolution. I have done this in the book The New Communism, which not only speaks to why a revolution is necessary but also what the character of that revolution must be, and how that revolution could actually be brought about, even up against the tremendous power of the existing oppressive system.

    And in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America a sweeping, and at the same time concrete, vision and plan for a radically different society and world is laid out, embodying a whole new dimension of freedom and whole new relations, among people and between people and the environment, beyond the narrow confines and the terrible consequences of the present system of exploitation and plunder.

    But, whether we consider ourselves revolutionaries, convinced of the need for a radical overturning of the system and thorough transformation of society, or we believe that it is possible to bring about changes that will lead to a more just society within this system; whether our understanding is that America is not, and cannot be, a force for good in the world, or we hope it still can become that—all of us need to come together, and act together, with the urgency that corresponds to the terrible present and the gravely imperiled future that this fascist regime represents for humanity, and with the conviction that something far better is necessary and possible.

    We may have differences about what that “something far better” is, and how it can be brought about—and we should continue to discuss and debate this, with the orientation of seeking the truth, whether convenient or inconvenient, comfortable or uncomfortable, and following the truth wherever it leads—but it is not only possible but crucial and urgent that we unite—and actively go forward to win truly massive numbers of people—to act, in a really meaningful way, to bring about the removal of this fascist regime before it can fully consolidate its rule and bring down the full effect of its horrific agenda. In the “Paul Krugman” article, I put it this way:

    “Krugman is a proponent of capitalism, whereas I am an advocate of communism, a new communism, who is convinced that what is ultimately and fundamentally required to deal with the current horrors facing the masses of humanity, and the looming threat to the very existence of humanity, is a truly radical and emancipating revolution. But that is not the immediate question and challenge before all of us at this present moment. Rather, it is to deal with the grave danger posed by those now in power, through nonviolent but massive and sustained political action—the mobilization of first thousands, growing into millions, determined to get and remain in the streets until this regime is removed from power. Does not the common recognition that this regime ‘may end up destroying civilization,’ demand of us—of all those, of many divergent viewpoints, who can recognize that these are the stakes for humanity—that we act together, and do everything in our power, to bring about the massive political manifestation that is urgently needed to drive out this regime?”

    And, in concluding, let me go back to what I wrote at the end of that article:

    “to act, from their own perspective, to give meaningful support to, and indeed to become actively involved in, the critical work building toward November 4: publicly endorsing and promoting the Call from Refuse Fascism, helping to break through what is effectively a white-out of this by the mainstream media, donating and raising funds, directing people to the RefuseFascism.org website, and in countless other ways helping to develop the necessary political and organizational basis for what Refuse Fascism very rightly calls ‘this great cause.’ For it is the massive and sustained political mobilization called for by Refuse Fascism that truly represents the prospect of forging a positive path through and beyond this extremely dangerous and potentially disastrous situation.”

  • ARTICLE:

    U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)

    Brief Introduction:

    The following article by Bob Avakian was originally published in 1987. We are republishing it now, because it remains highly relevant in terms of understanding the basic nature of this system we live under—the system of capitalism-imperialism—and the role of the U.S. Constitution as the legal and political basis for this system of ruthless exploitation, murderous oppression and massive destruction. In this republished version, Bob Avakian has provided some Added Notes at the end of the article, to further clarify important points.

    * * * * *

    James Madison, who was the main author of the Constitution of the United States, was also an upholder of slavery and the interests of the slaveowners in the United States. Madison, the fourth president of the United States, not only wrote strongly in defense of the Constitution, he also strongly defended the part of the Constitution that declared the slaves to be only three-fifths human beings (that provided for the slaves to be counted this way for the purposes of deciding on representation and taxation of the states—Article I, Section 2, 3 of the Constitution).

    In writing this defense, Madison praised "the compromising expedient of the Constitution" which treats the slaves as "inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man." Madison explained: "The true state of the case is that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property.... This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the proper criterion." Madison got to the heart of the matter, the essence of what the U.S. Constitution is all about, when in the course of upholding the decision to treat slaves as three-fifths human beings he agrees with the following principle: "Government is instituted no less for protection of the property than of the persons of individuals."1 Property rights—that is the basis on which outright slavery as well as other forms of exploitation, discrimination, and oppression have been consistently upheld. And over the 200 years that this Constitution has been in force, down to today, despite the formal rights of persons it proclaims, and even though the Constitution has been amended to outlaw slavery where one person actually owns another as property, the U.S. Constitution has always remained a document that upholds and gives legal authority to a system in which the masses of people, or their ability to work, have been used as wealth-creating property for the profit of the few.

    The abolition of slavery through the Civil War meant the elimination of one form of exploitation and the further development and extension of other forms of exploitation. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That?, "despite the efforts of abolitionists and the resistance and revolts of the slaves themselves—and their heroic fighting in the Civil War itself—it was not fought by the Union government in the North, and its president, Lincoln, for the purpose of abolishing the atrocity of slavery in some moral sense.... The Civil War arose out of the conflict between two modes of production, the slave system in the South and the capitalist system centered in the North; this erupted into open antagonism, warfare, when it was no longer possible for these two modes of production to co-exist within the same country."2 The victory of the North over the South in the U.S. Civil War represented the victory of the capitalist system over the slave system. It represented the triumph of the capitalist form of using people as a means of creating wealth. Under a system of outright slavery, the slave is literally the property of the slaveowner. Under capitalism, slavery becomes wage-slavery: The exploited class of workers is not owned by the exploiting class of capitalists (the owners of factories, land, etc.), but the workers are in a position where they must sell their ability to work to a capitalist in order to earn a wage. Capitalism needs a mass of workers that is "free," in a two-fold sense: They must be "free" of all means to live (all means of production), except their ability to work; and they must not be bound to a particular owner, a particular site, a particular guild, etc.—they must be "free" to do whatever work is demanded of them, they must be "free" to move from place to place, and "free" to be hired and fired according to the needs of capital! If they cannot enrich a capitalist through working, then the workers cannot work, they cannot earn a wage. But even if they cannot find a capitalist to exploit their labor, even if they are unemployed, they still remain under the domination of the capitalist class and of the process of capitalist accumulation of wealth—the proletarians (the workers) are dependent on the capitalist class and the capitalist system for their very lives, so long as the capitalist system rules. It is this rule, this system of exploitation, that the U.S. Constitution has upheld and enforced, all the more so after outright slavery was abolished through the Civil War.

    But here is another very important fact: In the concrete conditions of the U.S. coming out of the Civil War, and for some time afterward, wage-slavery was not the only major form of exploitation in force in the U.S. Up until very recently (until the 1950s), millions of Black people were exploited like serfs on Southern plantations, working as sharecroppers and tenant farmers to enrich big landowners (and bankers and other capitalists). A whole system of laws—commonly known as Jim Crow laws—were enforced to maintain this relationship of exploitation and oppression: Black people throughout the South—and really throughout the whole country—were subjected to the open discrimination, brutality, and terror that such laws allowed and encouraged. All this, too, was upheld and enforced by the Constitution and its interpretation and application by the highest political and legal authorities in the U.S. And, over the past several decades, when the great majority of Black people have been uprooted from the land in the South and have moved into the cities of the North (and South), they have still been discriminated against, forcibly segregated, and continually subjected to brutality and terror even while some formal civil rights have been extended to them.

    Once again, this is in accordance with the interests of the ruling capitalist class and capitalist system. It is consistent with the principle enunciated by James Madison: Governments must protect the property no less than the persons of individuals. In fact, what Madison obviously meant—and what the reality of the U.S. has clearly been—is that the government must protect the property of white people, especially the wealthy white people, more than the rights of Black people. It must never be forgotten that for most of their history in what is now the United States of America Black people were the property of white people, particularly wealthy plantation owners. Even after this outright slavery was abolished, Black people have never been allowed to achieve equality with whites: they have been held down, maintained as an oppressed nation, and denied the right of self-determination. Capitalism cannot exist without the oppression of nations, and this is all the more so when capitalism develops into its highest stage: monopoly capitalism-imperialism. If the history of the United States has demonstrated anything, it has demonstrated this.

    The Heritage They Won’t Renounce

    The ruling class of the U.S. today—above all the U.S. imperialists, the large-scale capitalists and international exploiters who dominate the U.S. and most of the world—are indeed, as they proclaim, the direct and worthy descendants of their “Founding Fathers.” And this is why the ruling class and its political representatives, while they feel obliged to say that they are opposed to slavery today (at least in the U.S. itself), solemnly praise and celebrate slave owners and upholders of slavery who were so prominent among the “Founding Fathers” and played so central a part in the establishment of the system in the U.S.: men like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.

    These imperialists will never admit that their “Founding Fathers” established a system of government that, in its very foundation, is based on oppression and exploitation. They will never admit that their Constitution is the legal instrument for enforcing that exploitation and oppression. They cannot admit this, any more than they can admit their much-vaunted wealth and power has been established and built up by stealing land and resources from the native peoples (and Mexico) through extortion and outright murderous means; by trading in human flesh and harnessing human beings in slave labor; by pitilessly exploiting immigrants in their millions as wage-slaves; by robbing and plundering throughout the world, particularly Latin America, Africa, and Asia (what today is generally called the Third World). They cannot acknowledge that, while the forms of slavery have changed, the U.S. has, from the beginning and down to today, remained a society where enslavement, in one form or another, has been at the very heart of the economic system and the very basis of the political structure.

    There are many (including even Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall) who argue that, because of the upholding of slavery in the Constitution—and other injustices, such as excluding women from voting, and the treatment of the Indians—the Constitution was not such a great document when it was written, but it has been made great through the history of the U.S. and the struggles to create a more perfect Union and a more perfect Constitution. In other words, the Constitution may have had defects in some important ways when it was originally conceived, but the miracle of it is that the Constitution has within it provisions for changing and improving it—for extending democracy and rights to those previously excluded. And, some will add, while the Constitution upholds property rights, it also upholds individual and civil rights (even the statement from Madison cited at the beginning of this article stresses that, some might argue). Let’s look more deeply at these questions.

    Extension of the Constitution … Extension of Bourgeois Domination

    The extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them has gone together, in an overall way, with the extension of bourgeois (capitalist) relations and their dominance throughout the U.S. And, at the same time, it has gone hand-in-hand with the continuation of the oppression of Black people, of Native Americans, of Latinos and immigrants from Latin America (and elsewhere), of the oppression of women, and other forms of oppression and exploitation. All this is not in contradiction to but is consistent with the fundamental principles on which the Constitution is based and the way in which it treats the relationship between the rights of property and the rights of individuals.*

    It is noteworthy that the 14th Amendment to the Constitution (echoing the 5th Amendment) has as its pivotal point the provision that no State may “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.” Especially in the period since World War 2, this amendment has been used as a major part of the basis to extend civil rights for Black people, for women, and for others discriminated against. Yet this amendment was passed right after the Civil War, in 1866; and for many decades this amendment was not used to combat racial or sexual discrimination. Instead, “For many years the Supreme Court applied the due-process clause mainly to protect business interests against state regulatory legislation.”3 It was only beginning after World War 1, and more fully after World War 2, that the 14th Amendment was applied in a significant way to the questions of racial and sexual discrimination. Thus, “in a long series of cases” beginning in 1925, the Supreme Court “gradually expanded its definition of due process so as to include most of the guarantees of personal liberties in the Federal Bill of Rights and has protected them from state impairment. A similar development occurred with respect to the equal-protection clause.”4 These changes in Supreme Court decisions were part of larger changes in ruling-class policy. But these resulted not from some brilliant new legal insight, nor from some sudden flash of moral awakening within the ruling class. Rather, they resulted from the changed situation of Black people in U.S. society and, more decisively, from the situation and needs of the ruling imperialists.

    As noted earlier, the masses of Black people have undergone a dramatic change in their particular conditions of existence—and of oppression—in the U.S. This began during and immediately after World War 1 but developed fully during and after World War 2. Demand for labor in war production and other strategic industry, followed after World War 2 by sweeping changes in Southern agriculture—called forth by technological changes and international economic competition—drove millions and millions of Black people from the rural South to the urban ghettos of the North and South, and into the most exploited sections of the proletariat. At the same time, the U.S. imperialists emerged not only victorious but greatly strengthened from world war that devastated those countries which were much more directly and centrally involved. So, after World War 2 U.S. imperialism was everywhere, scooping up the former colonial possessions of the prior colonial powers and establishing U.S. neocolonial domination in the name of freedom and (usually) in the guise of allowing formal independence. In this situation, it was not so necessary—nor was it so helpful—to openly and blatantly treat Black people as “second-class citizens” in the U.S. itself. So, over the period of the next several decades, concessions were made to civil rights demands and struggles at the same time as deception, vicious repression, and the promotion of “loyal and responsible Negro leaders” were carried out to keep things firmly under the control of the ruling class and in the service of its larger interests. Similarly, recent decades have seen political and legal changes that have brought certain extensions of formal rights to women and certain concessions to their battle against oppression. These have corresponded to significant changes in society and the world, including the fact that in only a small percentage of U.S. families is it any longer the case that the family is supported by just the man working. But, again, these concessions have been confined within limits that fundamentally conform to the interests and needs of the ruling class in the face of changing conditions in the U.S. and the world.

    Would anyone dare say that, because of these changes and concessions, inequality and injustice have been eliminated in the U.S.? The fact is, none of this has in any way eliminated, or come close to eliminating, discrimination against Black people, their overall conditions of oppression, their status as an oppressed nation. Nor have the ruling imperialists ceased to oppress the Native Americans—they have never even stopped trying to cheat and rob them of valuable land and resources. Nor have these imperialists ceased to discriminate against and viciously exploit other national minorities and immigrants. Nor, despite the constitutional amendment (the 19th, in 1919) giving them the right to vote and other concessions to “women’s rights,” have women been granted equality—there has been no end to the subjugation and degradation they have been subjected to: The oppression of women remains a foundation stone of U.S. society, as indeed it must so long as a system of class domination and exploitation is in force. Today, 200 years after the U.S. Constitution first took effect, and after all the changes and amendments, no one can seriously and reasonably argue that the various kinds of oppression that I have spoken to here do not exist or are only a minor aspect of the situation. No one can seriously and reasonably argue that they are not a basic and deeply rooted feature of American society.

    The reason for this is rooted in the very reality and nature of the economic system in the U.S. and the political system that upholds and enforces this economic system, including the Constitution as the legal “cement” of the political structure. The fundamental reason why the “extension” of constitutional rights to those previously excluded from them has not put an end to exploitation, inequality, and oppression is this: The essence of the capitalist economic system is not the competition of commodity owners, all vying equally in the marketplace (equal opportunity for all). The essence is the exploitation of labor as wage-labor, the command by capital over labor power (the ability to do work) as a commodity—a unique commodity—that creates wealth through its use.** (As a dockworker told me years ago: No one gets rich working; the only way to get rich is by making other people work for you.) And the essence of the political structure that goes along with and protects this capitalist economic system is not freedom and democracy for all, regardless of wealth and social position. The essence is the dictatorship of the bourgeois class—its monopoly of political power and armed force—over those it dominates in the economic system, especially the proletariat. Thus, the right to vote and other formal rights for the proletariat and other oppressed masses are in no way in fundamental opposition to the economic and political system of capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship.

    Bourgeois Democracy—Bourgeois Dictatorship

    Bourgeois democracy presents itself as classless democracy: It proclaims equality for all. Thus, the U.S. Constitution does not say that different classes of people shall have unequal wealth and power; rather, it sets forth a charter that appears to treat everyone the same, regardless of wealth and social status. Yet there never has been, and never could be, a capitalist society without tremendous differences in wealth and power, without fundamental class divisions and antagonisms. In fact, a capitalist society without these things is not even conceivable. And in reality, democracy in capitalist society can only be bourgeois democracy. This means there is democracy—equal political rights and the power to make fundamental decisions—only among the capitalist class, the ruling class. For the rest, and for the proletariat especially, bourgeois democracy means dictatorship: It means being ruled over by the capitalists, even while being allowed to vote and even while being governed by a Constitution that sets forth laws that are said to be applied, equally, to all. How can this be?

    First, as for voting, as I pointed out in Democracy: Can’t We Do Better Than That?:

    On the most obvious level, to be a serious candidate for any major office in a country like the U.S. requires millions of dollars—a personal fortune or, more often, the backing of people with that kind of money. Beyond that, to become known and be taken seriously depends on favorable exposure in the mass media (favorable at least in the sense that you are presented as within the framework of responsible—that is, acceptable politics)…. By the time “the people express their will through voting,” both the candidates they have to choose among and the “issues” that deserve “serious consideration” have been selected out by someone else: the ruling class….

    Further, and even more fundamentally, to “get anywhere” once elected—both to advance one’s own career and to “get anything done”—it is necessary to fit into the established mold and work within the established structures.5

    But that is not all:

    If, however, the electoral process in bourgeois society does not represent the exercise of sovereignty by the people, it generally does play an important role in maintaining the sovereignty—the dictatorship—of the bourgeoisie and the continuation of capitalist society. This very electoral process itself tends to cover over the basic class relations—and class antagonisms—in society, and serves to give formal, institutionalized expression to the political participation of atomized individuals in the perpetuation of the status quo. This process not only reduces people to isolated individuals but at the same time reduces them to a passive position politically and defines the essence of politics as such atomized passivity—as each person, individually, in isolation from everyone else, giving his/her approval to this or to that option, all of which options have been formulated and presented by an active power standing above these atomized masses of “citizens.”… [T]he very acceptance of the electoral process as the quintessential political act reinforces acceptance of the established order and works against any radical rupture with, to say nothing of the actual overturning of, that order.6

    And let us remember that one of the main reasons for which the U.S. Constitution was “ordained and established,” as proclaimed in its “Preamble,” was to prevent social upheaval and the overturning of the order upheld by that Constitution—to “insure domestic tranquility.”

    The same can be said of the other aspects of bourgeois democracy and the kind of rights set forth in the U.S. Constitution (including its “Bill of Rights”): They have the purpose and function of reinforcing the rule of the bourgeoisie and keeping political activity within limits acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Thus, “the much-vaunted freedom of expression in the ‘democratic countries’ is not in opposition to but is encompassed by and confined within the actual exercise of dictatorship by the bourgeoisie. This is for two basic reasons—because the ruling class has a monopoly on the means of molding public opinion and because its monopoly of armed force puts it in a position to suppress, as violently as necessary, any expression of ideas, as well as any action, that poses a serious challenge to the established order.”7 The history of the U.S., like the history of all other “democratic” bourgeois dictatorships, is full of graphic illustrations of just how true the above-quoted statement is!

    Formal equality—the treatment of all persons as equal, and specifically as “equal before the law,” without regard to wealth or social position—in bourgeois society actually covers over the relationship of complete subordination, exploitation, and oppression to which the proletariat and masses of people are subjected. If a small group—the capitalist class—controls the important means of creating wealth, then in reality they have the power of life and death over those who control little or none of these. To have such power over other people is, in essence, to hold them in an enslaved condition, whether or not the chains are literal and visible. In such a situation—which is the fundamental condition of capitalist society—how can there be anything but profound inequality economically, socially, and politically? And with such a fundamental division, with such fundamental inequality, there can never be anything but exploitation, oppression, domination, and dictatorship.

    With regard to the law, this will manifest itself in two main ways. First, those who dominate society economically will dominate in deciding, through the political structure, what the laws will be. They will insure that the laws serve their interests. And second, the actual application and enforcement of the law will discriminate in favor of those with wealth and power and against those without them—and even more so against oppressed nationalities, women, and others who are “the last of the last” in society. Everyday life in any capitalist society proves this over and over. Thus, once again, as with the right to vote and other constitutional rights in a bourgeois-democratic republic, formal equality before the law expresses itself, in reality, as profound inequality—and more—as something confined within and conforming to bourgeois domination and dictatorship.

    The basic difference between the bourgeoisie’s view of freedom and democracy on the one hand, and the striving of oppressed masses for an end to oppressive conditions on the other hand, is sharply drawn in recent events in Haiti, the Philippines, and South Korea. The oppressed masses (and students and other revolutionary intellectuals) want some kind of fundamental change in the social system and a breaking of the chains of imperialist domination in their countries. But the bourgeois opposition leaders and parties want only the recognition of bourgeois-democratic provisions and procedures—with elections the highest expression of political activity. Most of all, they want the sharing of power more broadly and “equally” among the upper classes—really, they want their chance to hold the reins of power—while leaving the social system and imperialist domination intact. As for the imperialists, where they become convinced of the need for change in such situations, they make every effort to keep it confined within the framework of imperialist domination and bourgeois rule. Indeed, they try to use such situations to strengthen and perhaps “refine” the apparatus of bourgeois politics—and, above all, of repression—in the countries involved.

    This brings us to a most fundamental point that is so often ignored or glossed over in discussions and debates about democracy in countries like the U.S.: The fact is that even the extent to which rights are allowed to the nonruling classes in imperialist countries depends on a situation where, in large parts of the world under imperialist domination, the masses of people are subjected to much more open and murderous repression. In short,

    The platform of democracy in the imperialist countries (worm-eaten as it is) rests on fascist terror in the oppressed nations: the real guarantors of bourgeois democracy in the U.S. are not the constitutional scholar and the Supreme Court justice, but the Brazilian torturer, the South African cop, and the Israeli pilot; the true defenders of the democratic tradition are not on the portraits in the halls of the Western capitols, but are Marcos, Mobutu, and the dozens of generals from Turkey to Taiwan, from South Korea to South America, all put and maintained in power and backed up by the military force of the U.S. and its imperialist partners.8,***

    But, at the same time, the imperialist rulers and ardent worshippers of bourgeois democracy go to great lengths to try to cover over, or explain away, the brutal repression “at home” that is so essential to the functioning of the system and the maintenance of the established order:

    For there is vicious repression and state terror carried out continually—and not only in times of serious crisis or social upheaval—in the imperialist countries; it is carried out specifically against those who do not support but oppose the established order, or who simply cannot be counted on to be pacified by the normal workings of the imperialist system—those whose conditions are desperate and whose life situation is explosive anyway.

    In the U.S. the hundreds of police shootings of oppressed people, particularly Blacks and other minority nationalities, every year; the fact that jails are overwhelmingly filled with poor people, the greatest number again being Black and other minority nationalities—it is an amazing but true statistic that one out of every thirteen Black people in the U.S. will be arrested each year (and Blacks are incarcerated eight and one-half times as frequently as whites)!—and the widespread use of drugs, surgical techniques, and other means to repress and terrorize prisoners (as well as an astounding number of people not in jail, including allegedly recalcitrant children); the use of welfare and other so-called social service agencies to harass and control poor people down to the most intimate details of their personal lives; this, and much more, is part of the daily life experience of millions of people in the major imperialist countries. Along with all this, of course, is the use of the state apparatus for direct political repression….

    In times of severe crisis and social strain, of course, all this is carried out more intensively and extensively…. Already, right now in the U.S., to cite one important aspect of this, hundreds of thousands of immigrants, “illegal” and “legal,” are being subjected to a campaign of terror—including raids at their places of work and homes, the sudden and forcible separation of parents from children, and the deportation of large numbers of refugees back to the waiting arms of death squads and other government assassins in countries like El Salvador. The same kind of thing is also being directed against immigrants in France, West Germany, England, and other imperialist democracies.

    Through all this, while overt political repression by the state is in one sense the clearest indication of the class content of democracy—in the imperialist countries as well as elsewhere—in another sense the daily, and often seemingly arbitrary, terror carried out against the lower strata in these imperialist countries concentrates the connection between the normal workings of the system and the political (that is, class) nature of the state.9

    A New and Far Greater Vision of Freedom

    In the course of this article so far, in speaking to some essential questions concerning the U.S. Constitution and the system it upholds, I have answered some of the main arguments made in defense of this Constitution and this system, including the argument that the Constitution, if not perfect, is perfectible—that it can be continually improved and the rights it establishes can be extended to those previously excluded. Before concluding, I want to briefly address some of the other main arguments made on behalf of—or in defense of—this Constitution and the principles and vision it embodies.

    “This Constitution establishes a law of the land that is applicable to all—it establishes a government of laws, not of people.” This is closely linked to the principle of “equality before the law.” What is meant by “a government of laws, not of people” is that no one is “above the law” and that what is allowed and what is forbidden are set forth before all, in one set of regulations binding on everyone, and this can be changed only through the procedures established for making such changes. A “government of people” refers to a notion of a government where it is the will and the word of certain people—a king, a despot, a small group of tyrants, etc.—that determine what is allowed and what is forbidden, and where this can and will change according to the dictates and the whims of such rulers: There is no common and clearly spelled-out standard binding on all, even on the political leaders and the powerful and influential in society.

    Like all principles of bourgeois democracy, this notion of “a government of laws, not of people” misses and obscures the essential question. First of all,

    “the rule of law” can be part of a dictatorship, of one kind or another, and in the most general sense it always is—even where it may appear that power is exercised without or above the law, laws (in the sense of a systematized code that people in society are obliged to conform to, whether written or unwritten) will still exist and play a part in enforcing the rule of the dominant class. Conversely, all states, all dictatorships, include laws in one form or another.10

    Most fundamentally, the question is: What is the character and the class content of the laws, what system do they uphold and enforce, which class interests do they represent—of which class dictatorship, bourgeois or proletarian, are they the expression and instrument—and toward what end are they contributing—the maintenance of class division and domination, exploitation and oppression, or the final elimination of class divisions, of all oppressive social divisions, and of social antagonisms? In short, the essential question is not “a government of laws vs. a government of people,” it is which people—which class—rules, and what laws are in force, in the service of what ends?

    “‘We The People,’ that is the heart of this Constitution and the genius of this Constitution: It establishes a government of, by and for all the people.” As a matter of historical fact, this opening phrase of the Constitution, “We the people of the United States,” was not the product of some lofty desire by the “framers” of the Constitution to set forth some universal principle of popular sovereignty. It was the product of their desire to overcome the problem of States posing their own sovereignty against that of the Federal Government—and the desire to avoid the specific problem of not knowing which States would ratify the Constitution: “The Preamble of the Articles of Confederation had named all the states in order from north to south. How was the [Constitutional] Convention to enumerate the participating states without knowing which would ratify? In a brilliant flash of inspiration, the Convention began with the words, ‘We the People of the United States…do ordain and establish this Constitution….’”11

    More importantly, the larger historical context and the actual content of this proclamation—“We The People”—must be made clear. The founding of the United States of America as an independent country represented not just the breaking away from domination by a foreign power. It also meant breaking away from a form of government that vested great power in the person of the monarchy—even while it ultimately served the interests of the bourgeoisie and the landed “nobility.” In general, the rights and the restrictions of power established in the Constitution of the newly founded United States revolved around preventing arbitrary rule by despots and the concentration of too much power in one person or one part of the government. The “separation of powers” and the “checks and balances” of different branches of government was seen as a way of insuring that the government would serve the interests of the capitalist class and (at that time) the slaveowners as a whole. It is in this light that “We the people of the United States,” in the “Preamble” of the Constitution, must be understood. Obviously, “We the people of the United States” did not include all those who were expressly excluded from the process of selecting the government and endorsing the Constitution. For, “Even on the most obvious level, how could the government of the newly formed United States, for example, be considered to have derived its powers ‘from the consent of the governed’ when, at the time of the formation of the United States of America, a majority of the people ‘governed’—included slaves, Indians, women, men who did not meet various property requirements, and others—did not even have the right to vote…to say nothing of the real power to govern and determine the direction of society?”12

    Bourgeois ruling classes generally speak in the name of the people, all the people. From their standpoint, it may make a certain amount of sense: They do, after all, rule over the masses of people. But from a more basic and more objective standpoint, their claim to represent all the people is a deception. If it was a deception at the time of the founding of the United States and the adoption of its Constitution, it is all the more so now. For now the rule of the capitalists is in fundamental antagonism with the interests of the great majority of people, not just in a particular country, but all over the world. Now the decisive question is not overcoming economic and political obstacles to the development of capitalism and its corresponding political system. The time when that was on the historical agenda is long since passed. What is now on the historical agenda is the overthrow of capitalism and the final elimination of all systems of exploitation, all oppressive social relations, all class distinctions, through the revolution of the exploited class under capitalism, the proletariat.

    To get a very stark sense of just how historically conditioned—how long since outmoded and completely reactionary—are the interests and the paramount concerns of the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants, the ruling imperialists of today, let us consider the fact that, in writing their Constitution, Madison and others "For theoretical inspiration...leaned heavily on Locke and on Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws. Both writers had insisted on the need for separation of powers in order to prevent tyranny; in Montesquieu's view even the representatives of the people in the legislature could not be trusted with unlimited power."13 In reading over Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws I could not help but be struck by how thoroughly his frame of reference is that of a bygone age and his outlook that of exploiting classes whose period of historical ascendancy is long since past. As a glaring illustration, consider the following:

    If I had to justify our right to enslave Negroes, this is what I would say: Since the peoples of Europe have exterminated those of America, they have had to enslave those of Africa in order to use them to clear and cultivate such a vast expanse of land.

    Sugar would be too expensive if it weren't harvested by slaves.

    Those in question are black from the tip of their toes to the top of their heads; and their noses so flattened that it is almost impossible to feel sorry for them.

    It is inconceivable that God, who is a very wise being, could have placed a soul, especially a good soul, in an all-black body....

    One proof of the fact that Negroes don't have any common sense is that they get more excited about a string of glass beads than about gold, which, in civilized countries, is so dearly prized.

    It is impossible that these people are men; because if we thought of them as men, one would begin to think that we ourselves are not Christians.14,****

    Let the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants draw theoretical inspiration from the likes of Montesquieu! Let them defend slavery and modern-day exploitation on the ground of property rights, taking their lead from the likes of James Madison, the main author of the Constitution. As for the proletariat, our goal is "Marx's view of the complete abolition of bourgeois property relations—and all relations in which human beings confront each other as owners (or non-owners) of property rather than through conscious and voluntary association."15

    For the exploiting classes, and in a system under their rule, the "bottom line" is to reduce the masses of people to mere wealth-creating property—and today, under the domination of the imperialists, the greatest of all exploiters, the mass of humanity is treated as merely a means to amass even greater wealth and power in the hands of, and for the profit of, so few. And at what cost! This cost must be measured in massive human suffering, degradation, and destruction. Imagine the even greater cost in human suffering, degradation, and destruction that will have to be paid unless and until the oppressed and exploited victims of this system, who are the great majority of humanity, rise up and overthrow this system and finally put an end to all social relations of exploitation and oppression.

    In conclusion, The Constitution of the United States is an exploiters' vision of freedom. It is a charter for a society based on exploitation, on slavery in one form or another. The rights and freedoms it proclaims are subordinate to and in the service of the system of exploitation it upholds. This Constitution has been and continues to be applied in accordance with this vision and with the interests of the ruling class of this system: In its application it has become more and more fully the instrument of bourgeois domination, dictatorship, oppression, conquest, and plunder.

    Our answer is clear to those who argue: Even if The Constitution of the United States is not perfect, it is the best that has been devised—it sets a standard to be striven for. Our answer is: Why should we aim so low, when we have The Communist Manifesto to set a far higher standard of what humanity can strive for—and is capable of achieving—a far greater vision of freedom.*****

     

    NOTES

    1. Quotes from James Madison are from the Federalist Paper No. 54 in The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961), pp. 336-341, especially pp. 339 and 337. [back]

    2. Bob Avakian, Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (Chicago: Banner Press, 1986), pp. 110-11. [back]

    3. Edward Conrad Smith, editor, The Constitution of the United States with Case Summaries (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1979), p. 18. All citations in this article are from the essay “The Origins of the Constitution.” [back]

    4. Ibid., pp. 18-19. [back]

    5. Avakian, Democracy, p. 69. [back]

    6. Ibid, p. 70. [back]

    7. Ibid, p. 71. [back]

    8. Lenny Wolff, The Science of Revolution: An Introduction (Chicago: RCP Publications, 1983), p. 184. [back]

    9. Avakian, Democracy, pp. 137-39. [back]

    10. Ibid., pp. 233-34. [back]

    11. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 12. [back]

    12. Avakian, Democracy, p. 100. [back]

    13. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 13. [back]

    14. Charles Montesquieu, De L'Esprit Des Lois, Paris: Garnier, 1927, livre 15, chapitre 5, "De L'Esclavage Des Negres" (The Spirit of the Laws, book 15, chapter 5, "On the Enslavement of Negroes"), my translation. [back]

    15. Avakian, Democracy, p. 212. [back]

    Added Notes by the Author, Spring 2023

    * A major factor underlying this “extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them” has—especially since the second half of the 20th century—been the increasing globalization of the capitalist-imperialist economy, a worldwide system of exploitation ensnaring literally billions of people, and in particular super-exploitation of masses of people, including more than 150 million children, in the Third World of Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The relationship of this worldwide exploitation, and super-exploitation, to the situation in the U.S. itself—particularly with regard to the economic structure and social and class relations within this country—is analyzed in depth in the paper by Raymond Lotta Imperialist Parasitism and Class-Social Recomposition in the U.S. From the 1970s to Today: An Exploration of Trends and Changes, which is available at revcom.us. The political dimensions of this are explored in my article Imperialist Parasitism and “Democracy”: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of “Their” Imperialism (also available at revcom.us), where the following is made clear:

    [T]his imperialist plunder provides the material basis for a certain stability, at least in “normal times” in the imperialist “home country” (with the U.S. a prime example of this). This relative stability, in turn, makes it possible for the ruling class to allow a certain amount of dissent and political protest—so long as this remains within the confines of, or at least does not significantly threaten, the “law and order” that serves and enforces the fundamental interests of this ruling class.

    At the same time, as sharply demonstrated in mass uprisings which do call into question that “law and order” and/or defy allegiance to the imperialist interests of this system—such as the mass outpouring against police terror in 2020, and urban rebellions and mass opposition to the Vietnam war in the 1960s—the rulers of this country will frequently respond to such opposition with severe repression and murderous retribution.  For example, the city of Wilmington, in Biden’s home state of Delaware, was placed under martial law for months during the 1960s upsurge against the oppression of Black people, and a number of members of the Black Panther Party, most prominently Fred Hampton, were murdered by police, along with many Black people taking part in urban uprisings in that period, while militant mass resistance against the Vietnam war and rebellions among middle class youth and students were in some cases subjected to a vicious, and at times murderous, response by police and National Guard troops.

    It should never be forgotten, or overlooked, that the “law and order” that enforces this relative stability has included the regular murder of Black people, as well as Latinos, by police—resulting in the fact that the number of Black people who have been killed by police in the years since 1960 is greater than the thousands of Black people who were lynched during the period of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, before the 1960s. It should also not be overlooked that the U.S. has the highest rate of mass incarceration of any country in the world, with Black people and Latinos particularly subjected to this mass incarceration. [back]

    ** The point here, as emphasized in my work Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summary, is that the essence of the capitalist economy, and the source of capitalist “wealth” and “economic growth,” is not a bunch of capitalist entrepreneurs and their “innovation,” or their “entrepreneurial genius.” It is the exploitation by the capitalists (the bourgeoisie) of wage-workers (the proletariat). This is different than the question of what is the driving force compelling the capitalists to continue to intensify the exploitation of the proletariat and to continually find new means of doing so. As also pointed out in Breakthroughs:

    Engels, in Anti-Dühring, discussed the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism between socialized production and private appropriation. He pointed out that the working out of this contradiction assumes two different forms of motion that go into the dynamic process of this fundamental contradiction’s motion. Those two forms of motion are, on the one hand, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat that it exploits, and the other form of motion that Engels identified, importantly, is the contradiction between organization and anarchy, the organization of production on the level of, say, an enterprise—which may be highly organized, with lots of calculations going into it, market estimates and all kinds of things, and may be very tightly organized in terms of how the actual process of production is carried out on the level of the particular capitalist corporation, and so on—while, at the same time, this is in contradiction to the anarchy of production and of exchange in the society as a whole (or today in the world as a whole, today more than ever in the world as a whole). So you have these two forms of motion—and I’ll come back later to a crucial distinguishing aspect of the new communism: the importance of identifying the second form of motion of this fundamental contradiction, that is, the anarchy/organization contradiction, or the driving force of anarchy, as overall the principal and most essential form of the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism....

    In this regard, in the article “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” Raymond Lotta cited this statement of mine:

    anarchic relations between capitalist producers, and not the mere existence of propertyless proletarians or the class contradiction as such, that drives these producers to exploit the working class on an historically more intensive and extensive scale. This motive force of anarchy is an expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production represents the full development of commodity production and the law of value.

    And then there is this very important passage:

    Were it not the case that these capitalist commodity producers are separated from each other and yet linked by the operation of the law of value they would not face the same compulsion to exploit the proletariat—the class contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat could be mitigated. It is the inner compulsion of capital to expand which accounts for the historically unprecedented dynamism of this mode of production, a process which continually transforms value relations and which leads to crisis.

    (Breakthroughs is available at revcom.us; and the article by Raymond Lotta referred to here, “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” can be found in the online theoretical journal Demarcations, Issue Number 3.) [back]

    *** As noted in “Imperialist Parasitism and ‘Democracy’: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of ‘Their’ Imperialism”:

    Some of the mass murderers in other countries who today play such a crucial role in serving the interests of U.S. imperialism throughout the world, and in making possible the maintenance of bourgeois democracy in this country itself (worm-eaten as it is indeed), are the same as they were 40 years ago, and some are different—but the essential reality remains that the “platform of democracy” in this country rests on fascist terror, along with ruthless exploitation, in the oppressed nations of the Third World (Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia). [back]

    **** In relation to this statement by Montesquieu—and more generally his views on slavery—I am reproducing here the following “A Note from Bob Avakian: On Montesquieu, Slavery and the U.S. Constitution,” which appeared in Revolution #037, March 5, 2006, posted at revcom.us:

    Recently, Revolution ran an excerpt from a pamphlet I wrote, which was originally published in 1987, U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom. In that excerpt, there is a quote from De L'Esprit Des Lois (or, in English, "The Spirit of the Laws") by Charles Montesquieu, an 18th–century French philosopher, who was one of the sources of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and in particular the theory of the separation of powers that is incorporated in that Constitution. The quote from this work of Montesquieu's, which was published in 1748, is one in which he recites an extreme and grotesquely racist justification for "the enslavement of the Negroes." In relation to this, it is not infrequently argued that Montesquieu was being ironic here, and deliberately overstating this argument, in order to, in effect, polemicize against the enslavement of African people, and that in general Montesquieu's writings express opposition to slavery. But the reality is not so simple as this, nor does this reflect what Montesquieu was essentially seeking to do in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws." It can be said that in "The Spirit of the Laws" Montesquieu's position is one of general opposition to slavery, and he indicates that slavery is not appropriate in countries like France; but, at the same time, he speaks to various circumstances in which he believes slavery can be justified or reasonable. For example, he argues that in the parts of the world, in particular the southern regions, where the climate is warmer, this climate makes people lazy (indolent), and slavery may be justified in order to get them to work (and he argues that in a despotic country, where people's political rights are already repressed, slavery may not be worse for people in that condition).

    This, and the general discussion of slavery that makes up this part (book 15) of "The Spirit of the Laws," is included in a broader discussion by Montesquieu on the nature of different societies and governments in different countries and parts of the world (this is found not only in book 15 but also books 14 and 16 of "The Spirit of the Laws") in which Montesquieu argues that geography and in particular climate plays a big part in determining the nature of different peoples and the character of their society and governing system. And it is important to understand that, although in this discussion Montesquieu makes logical refutation of certain arguments, including certain defenses of slavery, this is not a polemic for or against slavery, or other forms of government, and its character is not that of moral argumentation, so much as it is an attempt to explain why various practices, and various forms of society and government, have existed (and in some cases continue to exist) in various places.

    Another way to put this is that what Montesquieu is doing, in these parts of "The Spirit of the Laws" (and generally in this work), is attempting to make a kind of materialist analysis of these phenomena, including slavery in many places where it has existed—although it must be emphasized that this is not a thoroughly scientific, dialectical materialism but instead a rather crude and vulgar materialism which is marked, and marred, by a considerable amount of determinism: it is a kind of mechanical materialism that argues for a direct and straight-line (linear) connection between things like geography and climate and the character of society and government. It is a kind of materialism that does not adequately and accurately characterize the real motive forces in the development of human society, and in fact this kind of vulgar materialism has often been used to justify various forms of oppression, including colonial and imperialist domination. While we can, and should, recognize that, in the circumstances and time in which he wrote—about 250 years ago—there are aspects of what Montesquieu was seeking to do that were new and represented a break with the suffocating and obfuscating feudal outlook and conventions, it is very important to understand how Montesquieu's outlook and method were marked, and limited, by the social, and international, relations of which they were ultimately an expression: relations in which one part of society, and of the world, dominates and exploits others. And that is the basic point that was being emphasized in relation to Montesquieu and the U.S. Constitution, in the pamphlet U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom.

    With regard to the specific passage that was cited in U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom, "on the enslavement of the Negroes," there is, in fact, some reason to accept that Montesquieu does not actually agree with the justification for this enslavement that he summarizes, and that he is actually subjecting this kind of justification to some ironic and satirical treatment. A reasonable interpretation of Montesquieu's arguments, as he goes on in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws" (book 15), is that this kind of argument, about the non-human character of the Negroes, is not a valid argument, not one that actually justifies this enslavement. But then he does go on to explore the question of what might actually be reasonable justifications, in certain circumstances, for slavery; and, as spoken to above, he finds such justifications in situations such as those where there is a despotic government, or where—as he concludes, through an application of vulgar and determinist materialism—the warm climate makes people lazy and unwilling, on their own initiative, to work.

    Thus, in looking into and reflecting on this further, I would say that, while it is important to understand the complexity and nuance of what Montesquieu writes here—and it can be said that the way in which I cited Montesquieu in writing this pamphlet on the U.S. Constitution does not really or fully do that—it is not the case that what Montesquieu was doing here was actually making a case against the enslavement of the Negroes, or against slavery in general. Once again, it is important to keep in mind the fact that, although he was opposed to slavery on general principle, and declared that it was a good thing that it had been eliminated in his home country, France, and more generally in Europe, Montesquieu did not think slavery was wrong, or without justification, in all circumstances. And it also seems that Montesquieu did not hesitate to invest in companies involved in the slave trade. In this, there is a parallel with John Locke, the English philosopher and political theorist, who, as I pointed out in this same pamphlet (U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom), was also a major influence in the conception of the U.S. Constitution. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (p. 29):

    "In sum, the society of which Locke was a theoretical exponent, as well as a practical political partisan, was a society based on wage-slavery and capitalist exploitation. And it is not surprising that, while he was opposed to slavery in England itself, he not only defended the institution of slavery, under certain circumstances, in the Second Treatise, but turned a not insignificant profit himself in the slave trade and helped to draw up the charter for a government headed by a slave-owning aristocracy in one of the American colonies. For as Marx sarcastically summarized: ‘The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production.’" [back]

    ***** In the years since the writing of this article, I have devoted considerable work to the development of what is meant by this “far greater vision of freedom”—what it would mean “in real life.” One very important result of this is the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which provides both a sweeping vision and a concrete blueprint for a radically different and emancipating society and world. This Constitution is available at revcom.us. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Hugo Chavez Has an Oil Strategy...But Can This Lead to Liberation?

    Editor’s Note: This week Revolution is publishing this article by Raymond Lotta which is part of a fuller analysis being developed by a writing group about Hugo Chavez and what has been happening in Venezuela since Chavez came to power in 1998.

    The nature of Hugo Chavez’s “Bolivarian revolution” is a highly important and widely discussed issue among progressive and radical-minded people. Chavez has carried out a host of social and economic measures whose stated aim is to empower and improve the lives of the poor and politically disenfranchised in Venezuelan society; he has condemned the U.S. as an imperialist and bullying power; and in 2005 he announced that Venezuela was embarking on a project of ”21st Century Socialism.” At a time when the U.S. is waging its “war on the world” and at a time when the U.S. has been spearheading a pounding and brutalizing neoliberal economic agenda for the countries of the Third World—developments in Venezuela have attracted great interest.

    But what is the actual program and outlook of Hugo Chavez, what is the character of the process unfolding in Venezuela, and where is it heading? Does Chavez’s program represent a real alternative to imperialist-led exploitation, a viable road to liberation in today’s world? And what is the meaning of socialism in today’s globalized world?

    Our view is that the “Bolivarian revolution” does not represent a fundamental break with imperialism, nor embody a vision or path to truly radical societal transformation. But understanding why this is so is a complex matter requiring close analysis. In the full analysis soon to be published, we discuss the historical factors shaping Venezuela’s development, the economic model that Hugo Chavez has been bringing forward, the role of the army and new popular institutions in the “Bolivarian revolution,” the social and class forces involved in and leading this movement, and the larger debate about “21st-century socialism” and the real challenges of making revolution in today’s world.

    While we offer this critique of the Chavez project , it in no way cuts against our stand with the Venezuelan people and our total opposition to any attempts by U.S. imperialism to undermine or openly commit aggression against the Chavez regime.

    The article appearing in this issue focuses on Venezuela’s oil economy. We start here because oil has been so central to Venezuela’s historical domination by imperialism and to Venezuela’s economic-social development, and because oil figures centrally in Hugo Chavez’s program to reclaim sovereignty and change Venezuelan society.

    Our goal is to contribute to understanding, to learn from analysis of others, and to deepen dialogue and debate about these crucial issues.

    Hugo Chavez has an oil strategy

     

    In 1997, the year before he was elected president, Hugo Chavez took on the old elite this way:

     “Oil is a geopolitical weapon, and these imbeciles who govern us don’t realize the power of an oil-producing country.”1

    He expressed his strategic thinking about oil in a 2006 interview:

    “We are today implementing a strategic program called the Oil Sowing Plan: using oil wealth so Venezuela can become an agricultural country, a tourist destination, an industrialized country with a diversified economy. We are investing billions of dollars in the infrastructure: power generators using thermal energy, a large railway, roads, highways, new towns, new universities, new schools, recuperating land, building tractors, and giving loans to farmers. One day we won’t have any more oil, but that will be in the twenty-second century. Venezuela has oil for another 200 years.”2

    Chavez has spoken often about weaning Venezuela away from excessive dependence on the oil sector. But as the above statements and concrete policy underscore, oil will continue for some time, certainly for the medium term, to be the backbone of the economy and the keystone of Venezuela’s foreign policy.

    What Kind of Resource?

    There is no question that Venezuela is rich in oil. Venezuela possesses the largest conventional oil reserves in the Western hemisphere (more than three times the proven reserves in the U.S.); has trillions of cubic feet of natural gas; and has, by some estimates, untapped reserves in the Orinoco belt of the country that may exceed those of Saudi Arabia. Nor is there any question that oil revenues can grow astronomically: the price of oil is approaching near-historic highs, in the range of $65 per barrel.

    But why is oil as a sphere of investment and as a “petrodollar” financial instrument “black gold”? Oil has become a source of productive and monetary wealth within a certain set of social-production relations. The growth and contemporary expansion of world capitalism has produced a profit-based agro-industrial structure that relies heavily and disproportionately on a non-renewable resource, oil, as an essential economic input whose world price has impacted production costs, profits, and competitive advantage. In the post-World War 2 period, new oil-based and oil-related industries like auto, petrochemicals, and plastics, arose. Moreover, the exploration, extraction, refining, and marketing of oil form a highly profitable sector of the world economy.3

    An historical trajectory of oil-fueled development under world capitalism has been ruinous of human lives and planetary ecology. The production and consumption patterns of the advanced capitalist countries—where 25 percent of the world’s population lives but which consume 75 percent of the world’s resources—are now culminating in a global climate crisis. A just and rational world economy would neither be organized around a social structure of exploitation and inequality nor be based on this kind of non-sustainable technical-resource foundation.

    Oil has also become a weapon in world politics. This too is a function of imperialism. Power relations are integral to imperialism. Control over resources yields geo-economic advantage and geo-political domination—in which some powers gain privileged and monopolistic access to resources and the ability to control other economies and states. Oil has been an object of imperialist rivalry, collusion, and conquest, including through local proxy wars. Oil has been a means of propping up and controlling neocolonial regimes awash in oil revenues and corruption, like Nigeria. The modern, imperialist global military machine runs on oil.

    Oil and Venezuela

    Over the last half century, oil income has both lubricated a certain kind of growth and development in Venezuela and locked Venezuela into an international oil economy dominated by Western imperialism.

    Venezuela has played a certain historical role in the imperialist international division of labor: as a strategic exporter of oil. And the economic pillar of the modern Venezuelan state system has been the extraction of rents from oil companies, the charge for allowing them to pump oil out of the ground. Over the last half century, oil income has both lubricated a certain kind of growth and development in Venezuela and locked Venezuela in to an international oil economy dominated by Western imperialism.

    Oil, with its booms and busts, reshaped the economic geography of the country. Caracas, the capital city of Venezuela, more than doubled in size between 1920 and 1936, and doubled again between 1936 and 1950. Then it tripled between 1950 and 1971. The oil economy gave rise to a new middle class dependent on the state and disbursement of oil revenues, while shantytowns of the rural poor spread through and literally seeped into the muddy slopes of western Caracas. Today, almost 90 percent of Venezuela’s population lives in the cities and half of the population of Caracas lives in slums. One measure of oil’s distorting effects on the economic and social structure of Venezuela has been the vast growth of the “informal economy” in the cities: the urban self-employed (like peddlers and street merchants) and workers who perform unregistered or “off-the-books” labor and services.4

    Oil has produced and perpetuated a developmental trajectory marked by great economic and social gaps: between the productivity of the petroleum sector and the productivity of the non-petroleum sectors; between the development of the rural and urban areas; and between rich and poor, in the cities and in the countryside.

    Let’s step back. From 1958 to 1998, Venezuela earned some $300 billion in oil revenues. What has this meant for the masses of people in Venezuela, and what kind of development has resulted from subordination to the dynamics of the world imperialist economy and the world oil industry within that?

    The production of oil has actually stifled any significant industrial diversification. Much of the new infrastructure built between the 1960s and 1980s is decaying for lack of maintenance. Floods and mudslides, aggravated by uncontrolled urbanization, have washed away towns. Health hazards stalk the shantytowns in which 60 percent of Venezuela’s urban population lives. The number of people living in official poverty nearly doubled between 1984 and 1995; and, today, more than half of Venezuela’s working population works in the precarious informal economy.5

    Hugo Chavez has decried the oligarchic oil economy with its corruption, patronage, and extremes of glittering wealth and grinding poverty. He has spoken of the need to revive the peasant economy. But can a different form of oil economy produce a just and viable alternative to the neo-liberal economic model and lead to socialism? And just how different will such an economy be if it requires the massive infusion of foreign investment capital and a gamble in a game of oil markets?

    A Program That Cannot Break Out of the Status Quo; A Program Wracked with Contradictions

    Chavez has pinned the success of his program of social equity and diversification of the economy on oil revenues. His main economic order of business, as he repeatedly states, is “sowing the petroleum.” This is a phrase and program that has been part of Venezuela’s populist-nationalist politics and discourse since the mid-1930s: the government is to assert greater control over oil revenues, use oil wealth to promote development, and allow more people to share in the oil bounty. Chavez is counting on high and rising oil prices to undergird vast increases in government spending, a growing state presence in the economy, and subsidized prices for certain domestic products (mainly gasoline but also imported consumer goods, including food). In 2004, $1.7 billion of the state oil company’s $15 billion budget was allocated to fund social programs; soon thereafter it went to $4 billion a year.6

    Chavez, after having restructured the management of the state oil company, is moving along three tracks to maximize oil revenues to make good on his program. He is seeking to expand oil production. He is seeking to increase state ownership and the government’s share of earnings, royalties, and taxes deriving from foreign-based activity in the hydrocarbon sector (oil, natural gas, and coal). And he is seeking out new markets for oil, both to absorb expanded output and as a cushion against possible U.S. pressure and retaliation. These are not simply technical tools of economic management; they are bound up with a capitalist logic, and are fraught with the contradictions of dependent, imperialist-led development.

    On the first track, the strategic twenty-five year Plan Siembra Petrolera (Oil Sowing Plan), in its first phase for 2005-2012, calls for an increase in production from current levels (2006 estimates range from 2.8-3.3 million barrels a day) to 5.8 million barrels of oil per day in 2012. In the gas industry, similar large-scale development is also planned.

    The Venezuelan state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) estimated in 2006 that this phase of the expansion plan requires some $75 billion to finance new investment. Where is this money coming from? Most will come from the state oil company. Some 25 to 30 percent is expected from external, private sources: borrowings from banks, offset by anticipated oil earnings, and investments by the foreign oil companies operating in Venezuela.7

    Chavez is counting on increased output from the so-called Orinoco Petroleum Belt, a region in the center of the country that has been the site of major investments by the state oil company and foreign operators, like Exxon-Mobil, ConocoPhillips, and France’s Total SA. Since the 1990s these imperialist transnationals have invested more than $17 billion, which may have grown in value to $30 billion. The extraction and processing of this extra-heavy crude oil requires expensive investment in heavy machinery, treatment, and storage complexes. Partial processing of this oil on the spot, to make it liquid enough to flow in pipes, produces enormous amounts of waste material.

    There is a sharp contradiction. On the one hand, the state must extract financial resources from the oil industry to underwrite its development and social spending plans (and, increasingly, to meet rising popular expectations and shore up the political base of the Chavez regime). On the other hand, the state must invest to maintain the competitiveness of the oil industry as a capitalist enterprise in the international capitalist market.8

    Again, there is great tension here. In the last two years, social programs have absorbed a larger share of the state oil company’s budget than has spending on maintenance and new oil capacity. This social spending by the government puts strains on needed investments in the oil sector. To say investments are “needed” is not to make some pure technical statement; rather, investments are “needed” from the standpoint of an oil-exporting economy and the dictates of the world market—improving efficiency and compensating for possible price declines with expanded output. Because Venezuela’s wells are so old, output declines 23 percent a year—and so it is necessary to drill new wells just to maintain capacity.9 There is a pull exerted by competition on the world market, intensified by low levels of investment in Venezuela’s oil sector relative to other oil-producing countries, to upgrade and expand the industry, and maintain profitability.

    If foreign investment comes forth to finance a major share of Plan Siembra, this investment carries with it real control and puts real leverage in the hands of those foreign investors. This is important to bear in mind. Venezuela is not unusual in having formal sovereignty over its oil. Some three-quarters of the world’s oil and gas reserves and half of global output are controlled by national state oil companies like Saudi Aramco, Kuwait Petroleum, and the Algerian state company. But the national-state oil companies rely on international finance, work through international trade and marketing channels, and collaborate with the large, Western-based transnational oil companies, like Exxon-Mobil. These transnational corporations and their service company networks have strong competitive advantage: in scale, reach, and core managerial and technological competences, financial capabilities, support by the Western imperialist governments, and the ability to pull up stakes in a country like Venezuela.

    In terms of the second track: higher tax and royalty payments. In April 2006, Chavez announced his intention to increase PDVSA’s share in major projects to 60 percent from 40 percent. The Chavez government is creating new forms of joint ventures (what are now called “mixed companies”) with Shell, Chevron, British Petroleum, and others. Oil resources and oil profits are jointly owned in the form of single new enterprises—only now, the Venezuelan government obtains a higher proportion of profits than it had previously, while the foreign oil companies, with heavy investments, benefit from current high oil prices and prospect of profitable new oil fields. At the same time, the government has negotiated with the 22 foreign companies operating in Venezuela to agree to a new tax law that is being enforced retroactively.

    On May 1, 2007, Chavez made good on his ultimatum to the foreign companies that they accept a larger share of ownership by the Venezuelan government or cease operations. Chavez may be a tough negotiator (and did succeed in getting a larger slice of rising oil revenues from companies who want to stay put in order to recoup the value of their investments and make huge profits). At the same time, to keep these projects alive, to go forward with expansion plans, Chavez must reach some kind of understanding with foreign capital, as these firms are providing essential finance and technology. So the threat of takeover was sweetened with a commitment to compensate the firms.10

    The third track of the oil program is to restructure Venezuela’s external trade relations away from dependence on the U.S. as a market and source of investment capital and technical expertise. Venezuela accounts for some 12 percent of the U.S.’s daily oil imports, and plays a certain strategic role in the U.S. ability to project power in the world. But the other side of the equation is more telling, illustrating an aspect of Venezuela’s structural dependency : that 12 percent share of U.S. oil imports accounted for by Venezuela represents 60 percent of Venezuela’s total oil exports!11

    In seeking to diversify markets, Chavez has opened negotiations with China and has plans to sell Venezuelan oil to China, the world’s second-largest energy consumer, and to India as well. But there are high costs of servicing these markets. Venezuela does not have a Pacific port, and large tankers cannot make it through the Panama Canal. So Venezuela would need to construct pipeline through Colombia in order to ship the oil. But shipment to Asia is costly, owing to the long distances involved. Further, China does not have adequate capacity to refine Venezuela’s sulfur-rich crude. China is investing substantial sums to increase that capacity, but China is also exploring for oil and gas closer to its shores in the South China Sea and angling as well for deals in the Caspian Sea region.

    The U.S. connection is a difficult knot for Chavez to cut, especially if oil is to be the centerpiece of development. There is the close proximity of the U.S. market and low transportation costs. There are the refineries in the U.S. adapted to processing Venezuela’s oil. And the U.S. continues to be Venezuela’s most important trading partner (U.S.-Venezuela trade actually rose 36 percent in 2006). These are among the pressures operating on Chavez to maintain stable economic relations with the U.S.,12 even if the U.S. has other plans.

    Part of Chavez’s strategy for diversification involves inviting foreign companies from outside the traditional circle of the big Western oil majors to invest in Venezuela’s petroleum industry and to participate in his plan for a continental gas pipeline project stretching from Venezuela down to Argentina. These form part of Chavez’s efforts to create more multilateral investment and trade links. Chavez is courting companies from India, China, Russia, and elsewhere. Chavez hails investment plans in Latin America as anti-U.S. regional integration.

    But whether in Venezuela or elsewhere in Latin America, the essence of these projects is: investment by capitalist firms...according to capitalist methods of exploitation...to be measured by capitalist criteria of profitability. These projects have enormous social consequences for local populations, including dislocation of indigenous peoples. And they have enormous environmental consequences.13

    Chavez must assure long-standing Western and new investors of a relatively stable business-receptive environment. It is revealing that the Chavez regime has designated the oil sector a “strategic industry.” The state-appointed management tightly controls this sector (and the oil industry is one where worker co-participation, the limits and real nature of which will be discussed in a subsequent installment of this series, is forbidden).

    One critical-minded supporter of Chavez has observed, “the joint ventures provide a reality check to those used to only a diet of Chavez speeches...[B]ut in the current circumstances, paradoxically, a Faustian pact with foreign capital may be necessary to keep the forces of imperialism [U.S. pressure and intervention] off Venezuela’s back.”14

    This captures much of the “best-case” thinking about Chavez’s oil-based strategy of development. But this “best-case” thinking rests on a misunderstanding of imperialism. As desirous of genuine social change as many Chavez supporters are, that cold-water splash of “reality check” is worth pursuing further.

    Modern-Day Enclave Development

    Imperialism manifests itself not simply through economic bullying or military threat and intervention—and U.S. military action against Venezuela is by no means “off the table.” It is also expressed through the structure and functioning of the world economy and the existing economic and social structure of Venezuela, which reflects and reinforces dependency on oil and subordination to the world market.

    Chavez is perpetuating a form of export-led growth centered on the oil industry. The irrationality of an economy so geared to oil is expressed in the fact that only 20 percent of Venezuela’s total oil production enters into the domestic economy.15 It is expressed in the fact that while Venezuela’s state oil company (PDVSA) is the country’s single largest employer, with about 45,000 on its payroll, employment in the oil sector accounts for less than 1 percent of Venezuela’s total work force.16 It is expressed in the fact that, despite high oil prices and earnings, official unemployment in Venezuela has ranged from 8 to 15 percent in the Chavez years, with the poverty rate at 30 percent at the start of 2007.17

    This is a profoundly distorted economy: today, the oil sector accounts, and this has been a long-standing pattern, for about one-third of Venezuela’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 50 percent of the government’s revenue, and 80 percent of Venezuela’s export earnings. As one of the world’s top oil producers, Venezuela is a top emitter of CO2 emissions in Latin America and has the region’s highest per capita rate of carbon emissions.18

    The oil-export economy induces a form of “enclave” development. Such development responds to external sources of economic dynamism: the world oil market, conditions of demand in the major imperialist and regional economies, the rhythm and direction of world capital flows, etc. And such capital-intensive mono-export development is a barrier to integrated, all-around agricultural and industrial development in the exporting country.

    Here it is necessary to elaborate on two related aspects of dependent development: lopsidedness and heightened exposure and vulnerability to the world market.

    In the oppressed nations, the oil sector requires massive investment in advanced equipment and technology. These technology demands are met disproportionately from outside the economy—much of the advanced technology required by the oil sector is either imported, requiring that foreign exchange be generated to pay for imported capital goods, or obtained through the joint ventures (the foreign oil and oil-service companies involved, like Halliburton, provide the technology in-house or purchase it on the world market).

    Moreover, much of this technology cannot be widely diffused and adopted throughout the economy to revolutionize social production. This is so for two reasons. First, much of the specialized oil-drilling and oil-engineering technology is not appropriate to overall conditions of social-economic development. Second, even where some of this technology could have useful direct and indirect spin-off applications, there does not exist a broad-based industrial structure to which the benefits could accrue—exactly because the oil focus has constrained broader development.

    The oil sector is not significantly stimulating new demand for locally produced industrial products, nor is it resulting in a rising socially useful skills level of the overall work force. You do not have a process of agricultural and industrial development unfolding that strengthens local capacity to innovate and adapt technology. These are consequences of enclave-like, oil-based development.19

    Under Chavez, PDVSA, the Venezuelan state oil company, has been seeking agreements with foreign oil companies requiring as a condition of entry that they source (obtain) more oil-service supplies locally. But as oil resources are depleted, and as the extraction and processing of Venezuela’s heavy crude and sulfur-rich oil grows more challenging, new technology requirements appear. And as these requirements are met with even more specialized and sophisticated technology, the technology gaps between the oil sector and the rest of the economy are reproduced on a new level.20

    Meanwhile, the huge port, pipeline facilities, and other infrastructure investments to facilitate the exploration, extraction, and shipment of oil and coal are often out of scale to the needs of the overall economy—again, since they serve these more self-contained, outward-oriented investment projects, like the Orinoco Petroleum Belt plans.

    As mentioned earlier, the oil sector overall accounts for a very small fraction of total employment. Chevron’s huge $3.8 billion investment in the Orinoco Petroleum Belt initially will have created 6,000 jobs—upon completion, the project will only need 700 permanent employees.

    These are phenomena of the enclave-like character of oil-based development. But here is the rub: the overall agro-industrial structure is profoundly influenced and skewed by the oil sector. There is heightened unevenness as between the productivity and wage levels and technological dynamism of a modern oil sector and other segments of the economy; and, as will be discussed shortly, the oil industry has negative feedback effects on domestic agriculture and food production. At the same time, the build-up of the state-capitalist oil sector strengthens class interests and class forces that have a strong stake in maintaining the dominant macro-economic structure.

    To develop an agricultural base that could meet the food needs of society, provide rural employment, and develop through mutually reinforcing links with an integrated and balanced industrial structure would require a) a very different allocation and prioritization of resources serving the needs of the now exploited and oppressed, and b) a break with the economic logic, structure of options, and pressures of the local and world capitalist market system (what Marxists call the law of value).

    Pressures and Constraints of the World Economy

    Export-oriented oil production is a relation to the world imperialist economy, a rope of control and dependence, a rope tightly constricting the creative capacities of the masses of people. And that rope must be cut through revolution...

    This brings us to the second aspect of oil-dependent development. The oil sector is a principal contact point with the world economy. It transmits world prices and aligns currency rates. It imposes competitive world efficiencies on the Venezuelan economy: the oil sector must operate at certain levels of productivity, which dictates investments and regimes of efficient exploitation of workers. And fluctuations in the international oil market are transmitted to the Venezuelan economy.

    What are some of the implications and effects of this?

    Oil exports have generated a high exchange rate that makes local products, agrarian or industrial, uncompetitive on international and domestic markets. Windfall oil export prices weaken the incentives to develop peasant-based agriculture. A strong currency, with strong purchasing power, makes it “cost-efficient” to import goods, like food, that can be more cheaply produced overseas than domestically. This has contributed to a shift of labor out of agricultural production and local manufacturing into service and commercial sectors and, most especially, into the “informal economy” (of street merchants and irregularly employed workers with few social protections).

    Agriculture’s share of Venezuela’s GDP declined from 50 percent in 1960 to about 6 percent when Chavez took office in 1998. Venezuela has traditionally imported about 75 to 80 percent of its food from abroad, despite its rich soil and water sources.21

    This is the logic of world capitalism, and it continues to impede sustainable agricultural development and food security in Venezuela. These are the workings of market forces, acting through the medium of an internationally traded and strategic commodity, oil, and its effect on exchange rates.

    The Chavez administration has benefited from a five-fold increase of oil prices in the years since he came to power. These prices have held fast for some time and have enabled the regime to expand and underwrite social programs. There is no question that these programs have brought certain benefits to the poor: some improvements, though limited, in health care, access to food, some public works, expanded social security, and cheaper electricity, etc. And the Venezuelan economy, stimulated by oil demand, has enjoyed very high rates of growth over the last three years.

    But two things must be emphasized.

    First, Chavez is gambling on continued high oil prices and demand. Oil has to sell above $30 a barrel to make the expanded investments in the extra-heavy oil that Chavez has embarked upon profitable. A plunge in oil’s price would have devastating consequences for foreign investors, PDVSA, and the state treasury. Chavez is trying to stabilize production and prices at profitable levels.

    Despite the surging oil revenues, the government has had to borrow heavily from Venezuelan banks to cover a large and growing deficit (the government deficit is expected to reach 5 percent of gross domestic product in 2007).22 Some of this government borrowing is driven by the decision to compensate foreign oil companies for a larger government share of their operations. (Chavez is not expropriating the oil companies but rather working out deals with them in order to ride the oil markets.) Middle-class and luxury consumption patterns have gone along with an imperialist-dependent oil economy; consumer spending is skyrocketing and consumer debt growing as oil revenues have grown. In the “oil windfall” atmosphere, domestic and foreign banks have enjoyed an incredible earnings boom, a rate of return of 33 percent in 2006 that was described by an international banking journal as “the envy of the banking world.”23

    Much is made of Chavez’s attempt to solidify a stronger price front in OPEC. But the oil market is subject to all kinds of economic uncertainties and geopolitical developments. Importantly, OPEC is not a unitary, self-determining price setter.24 “Spot” markets and the speculative “futures” markets based in New York, London, and Singapore now play a key role in determining oil prices. There are oil-producing countries outside of OPEC, like Russia, whose oil production and marketing influence world prices. There is global competition among the existing oil regions of the world. Oil is a cyclical industry subject to world economic conditions. Just nine years ago, Venezuelan oil was selling for about $10 to $12 a barrel (compared to today's price of $60 plus).

    In terms of geopolitics, the U.S. would not welcome any shift in OPEC power away from Saudi Arabia to Venezuela. (The imperial bargain with the Saudi princes and Gulf sheikdoms: they ensure a stable oil supply, and the U.S. provides the “neighborhood” with military protection.) Further, through “regime change” and closer working relations with producers in the Caspian Basin and in Africa, the U.S. and Great Britain have been seeking greater control over supply conditions.

    Second, the Chavez regime has done little to lessen the economy’s dependence on oil, to diversify Venezuela’s industrial base, or to significantly expand agricultural production. “Sowing the petroleum” has mainly involved the financing and expansion of the social programs.

    Indeed, if we take something like food, the constraints and contradictions become more apparent. One of the most celebrated of Chavez’s “missions” (the social campaigns and funding that address health, education, housing, food, etc.) is Mission Mercal. Its stated strategic objective is national food security. This program is providing low-cost food to sections of the poor (and to broader urban strata) through a network of markets, supply depots, and distribution-nutrition centers. This would be an important emergency and back-up measure in a genuine revolutionary society.

    But this is not a real food security program; rather it is redistributive, a form of rationing and price subsidy. It is not part of a larger project to radically reorient the economy away from external dependence: on oil and food imports. It is not part of a socialist project to forge a whole new structural foundation of balanced and integrated agricultural-industrial development that can provide for the livelihood and food needs of society. In fact, Mission Mercal relies on imports and purchases from the same transnational firms that have traditionally dominated Venezuela’s food sector.25 This is a continuing expression of Venezuela’s lack of internal economic integration.

    Here, as with other initiatives, a major downturn or collapse in world oil prices would ramify widely and destructively through the economy and seriously endanger this kind of social program. From the perspective of making a genuine socialist revolution in an oppressed nation, there is a pressing task to move quickly and decisively to free society from food dependency and the colossal distortion by imperialism of agricultural and food systems. The imperialists will attack, they will boycott, and they will try, literally…to starve you.

    A sympathetic treatment of the “Bolivarian revolution” summarized that “international oil markets continue to be the single most influential factor in determining the prospects for Venezuela’s political economy.”26 Chavez may rail against the IMF, but how does this represent an alternative to neoliberalism, which prescribes in part that a country specialize in its “comparative advantage” in the international division of labor, maximize export earnings, import cheap food, and harness revenues for development?

    Conclusion: Oil’s Social Price Under Imperialism; Another Way Is Possible

    Even if this program provides some short-term improvement in the conditions of the masses, it cannot be sustained and cannot lead to a world beyond imperialism.

    Oil is not a “treasure” to grab hold of. Oil-rich countries, from Venezuela to Iran to Algeria to Indonesia, have seen export booms produce inequality and social misery. Government budgets bulging with petrodollars have come crashing down (as Venezuela’s did in the late 1980s and early 1990s). In Nigeria, there is the “technological achievement” of foreign capital building an infrastructure that can extract oil from a waterlogged equatorial forest—while adjoining villages are without power or clean water. When more nationalist regimes have replaced old elites that functioned as local client-watchdogs for imperialism, as happened in Iran in the 1950s, the U.S. has not hesitated to move against them. The flow of “black gold” must not be disrupted for long.

    The extraction of oil and more oil, based on exploitation of labor power and the realization of value through the international circuits of capital, historically enmeshed and continues to enmesh the population of Venezuela in a global network of commodity relations in which social and human development hangs in the balance of an unequal structure of world production and trade…and the movement of prices on the world market.

    A genuine socialist revolution is not about striving for a more equitable distribution of oil revenues, or trying to strengthen regional trade and oil blocs that only further exploitation of people and despoliation of nature, or demanding that the major oil companies “recognize their ethical and social responsibilities” (yes, you can go to ChevronTexaco’s website and learn about the educational and health programs they are setting up in Venezuela).

    The point is this: the modern oil economy is not a neutral set of production and technical coefficients. Export-oriented oil production is a relation to the world imperialist economy, a rope of control and dependence, a rope tightly constricting the creative capacities of the masses of people. And that rope must be cut through a revolution that overthrows the old order and state power.

    When the proletariat and the masses of people seize power in the oppressed societies, the goal cannot be to take over and reprogram a lopsided oil-based economy that warps development and that subjects society and economy to the destructive imperatives of the world system. Rather, a revolution must do away with the very foundations of such an economy in order to break the grip of imperialist control and to overcome the distortions of imperialist-led development.

    In place of the old economy, a liberating new one must be built: an economy whose foundation must be agriculture, an economy with a diversified and decentralized industry serving agriculture and broad developmental needs. Only by constructing this kind of economy can basic social needs be met and relative self-sufficiency achieved in a world dominated by imperialism.

    What would be the role of oil in a country like Venezuela, with extensive petroleum reserves, if a genuine socialist revolution took place? There would need to be a radical reorientation away from oil’s historically dominant position in the structure and functioning of the economy. This calls for a decisive break with export-oriented, oil-based development. Oil would still play some role in the economy, but this would be quantitatively and qualitatively different. Concerted and coordinated society-wide efforts would be made to greatly reduce dependency on oil as an energy source. Society would move towards more ecologically sound alternatives, especially as oil is currently extracted, refined, transported, etc., but fundamentally in developing a renewable energy foundation of growth. The social-economic calculus would no longer be one of maximizing production or maximizing returns but rather developing a just, rational, and ecologically sustainable economy based on the conscious activism of the masses and serving the liberation of society and humanity as a whole.

    Socialist economic development must serve the goal of overcoming the great differences between town and country, between agriculture and industry, and between mental and manual labor. Socialist economic development must enable a revolutionary society to stand up to imperialism and aid the advance of revolution elsewhere in the world. None of this is possible without a new revolutionary state power that can lead this process forward and mobilize the masses to remake all of society.27

    Developing this kind of economy is a complicated task, and the elimination of huge inflows of petroleum income, along with the economic, political, and military pressures of imperialism, will further complicate this task. But the elimination of petro-dependency and the petro-state, and the adoption of other revolutionary economic and social measures, will open whole new possibilities for creating a truly liberating economy.

    In addition, socialist state power above all is state power exercised by a class—the proletariat—that aims to eliminate all classes, all exploitative systems of production, all oppressive social relations and institutions; and all the ideas and values that reflect and reinforce the division of society into classes. The socialist state’s program at any given time must embody the communist project of moving humanity, through ever-more conscious struggle and transformation, in this direction.28

    Under Hugo Chavez, Venezuela remains locked tightly into the global economy, and Chavez’s program turns on the market value of the oil resource. Even if this program provides some short-term improvement in the conditions of the masses, it cannot be sustained and cannot lead to a world beyond imperialism. And rather than represent the proletariat, Hugo Chavez personifies a section of the Venezuelan capitalist class and radicalized petty-bourgeoisie that bridles at the inequities caused by foreign domination but that cannot conceive of rupturing out of the imperialist-conditioned dominance of oil in the motion and development of the Venezuelan economy.

    Footnotes

    1. Cited in Nicholas Kozloff, Hugo Chavez: Oil, Politics, and the Challenge to the U.S. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 7. No original Spanish-language source available. [back]

    2. Greg Palast, “Hugo Chavez,” Interview in Z, July 2006. www.zmag.org. [back]

    3. See Larry Everest, Oil, Empire, and Power: Iraq and the U.S. Global Agenda (Monroe, Me.: Common Courage Press, 2004). [back]

    4. On the growth of Caracas, see Allen Gilbert, The Latin American City (London: Latin America Bureau, 1998), pp. 7-11. [back]

    5. See J.P. Leary, “Untying the Knot of Venezuela’s Informal Economy,” naclanews, December 6, 2006. http://news.nacla.org. [back]

    6. U.S. Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration, Country Analysis Briefs, Venezuela, June 2004. www.eia.doe.gov. [back]

    7. On the 2006-2012 expansion plan and its costs and financing, see the statements and interviews by PDVSA officials at www.pdvsa.com. [back]

    8. These kinds of contradictions are pointed to in Fernando Coronil, “Magical Illusions or Revolutionary Magic? Chavez in Historical Context,” NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. XXXIII, No 6, 2000. See this article and also the highly important analysis of the historical development of the rentier oil economy and modern Venezuelan state and various incarnations of plans to “sow the petroleum” in Fernando Coronil, The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997). [back]

    9. See David Luhnow and Peter Millard, “As Global Demand Tightens, Oil Producer Has Agenda,” The Wall Street Journal, August 1, 2006. [back]

    10. See Simon Romero and Clifford Krauss, “Deadline Nears in Chavez Fight Against Big Oil,” The New York Times, April 10, 2007; Simon Romero, “Chavez Takes Over Foreign Controlled Oil Projects in Venezuela,” The New York Times, May 2, 2007. In his July 2006 interview with Greg Palast (see zmag.org), Chavez says about the foreign oil companies, “[W]e don’t want them to go, and I don’t think they want to leave the country, either. We need each other.”  [back]

    11. Claude Larsimont, “Hugo Chavez, the Bolivarian Use of Petrodollars and the Oil Market,” ESISC Background Analysis 10/05/2006. [back]

    12. See James Surowiecki, “The Financial Page: Synergy With The Devil,” The New Yorker, January 8, 2007, p. 26. [back]

    13. On the environmental and human rights issues posed by Chavez’s petroleum and natural gas regional initiatives, see David Hallowes and Victor Munnik Poisoned Spaces: Manufacturing Wealth, Producing Poverty, www.groundwork.org.za, October 2006; “Open Letter to President Hugo Chavez,” Sociedad Homo et Natura, posted at www.nadir.org in April 2006. [back]

    14. Steven Mather, “Joint Ventures: Venezuela’s Faustian Pact with Foreign Capital,” Venezuelanalysis.com, September 30, 2006, www.venezuelanalysis.com. [back]

    15. Year-end data for 2006 from U.S. Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration. [back]

    16. “Venezuela: Minerals,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online, www.britannica.com. [back]

    17. Bernardo Alvarez, “Venezuela’s Global Agenda: Six More Years,” April 5, 2007, Venezuelanalysis.com, www.venezuelanalysis.com. [back]

    18. Data from U.S. Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration, Country Analysis Briefs, Venezuela, September 2006, www.eia.doe.gov.  [back]

    19. The question of appropriate technology and whether raw materials investments spur linkages to other parts of the economy has been a long-standing topic of research and analysis on the part of radical, dependency, and Marxist theorists. The 2003 report by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Foreign Investment in Latin America and the Caribbean, 2003 examines patterns of foreign investment in Latin America and questions supposed benefits and spillover effects resulting from natural resources investments. [back]

    20. On new oil seismic technology and highly sophisticated secondary and tertiary recovery methods, some of which are now being used in Venezuela, see Jad Mouawad, “Oil Innovations Pump New Life into Old Wells, The New York Times, March 5, 2007.  [back]

    21. Food and Agricultural Organization, United Nations, “Feature: FAO in Venezuela,” 2002, www.fao.org/english/newsroom/news/2002/9788-en.html. [back]

    22. Simon Romero, “Chavez Rattles Takeover Saber at Steel Company and Banks,” The New York Times, May 7, 2007. [back]

    23. Jans Erik Gould, “Boom Times for Banks in Venezuela,” The New York Times, June 15, 2007; Mark Turner, “Banks Thriving Despite Chavez Bravado,” The Banker, March 5, 2007. www.thebanker.com. [back]

    24. On OPEC, see Cyrus Bina, “Limits of OPEC Pricing: OPEC Profits and the Nature of Global Oil Accumulation,” OPEC Review, Vol. 14 (1), Spring 1990. [back]

    25. Sarah Wagner, “Mercal: Reducing Poverty and Creating National Food Sovereignty in Venezuela,” Venezuelanalysis.com, June 24, 2005, www.venezuelanalysis.com. [back]

    26. Chesa Boudin, Gabriel Gonzalez, Wilmer Rumbos, The Venezuelan Revolution: 100 Questions—100 Answers (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2006), p. 141. [back]

    27. For Mao’s approach to self-reliant socialist development and the agriculture-industry relationship, see Raymond Lotta, ed., Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism (New York: Banner Press, 1994), especially chapter 7. [back]

    28. See Bob Avakian, Views on Socialism and Communism: A Radically New Kind of State, A Radically Different and Far Greater Vision of Freedom, revcom.us. [back]